TNO開發日誌#15 | 布爾人與邊境戰爭(Part-1)

TNO開發日誌#15 | 布爾人與邊境戰爭(Part-1)

來自專欄 TNO及TWR世界線介紹19 人贊了文章

Development Diary XV – Boers and Border Wars

開發日誌15-布爾人與邊境戰爭

感謝@伐木丁丁落雨聲的校對和糾正

感謝@天破之構對世界觀的補充

Hello and welcome to a new development diary for The New Order: Last Days of Europe. Panzer here, and I』m going to write my first dev diary in a while and I am soooooo readytodie excited.

大家好,歡迎來到新秩序:諸神黃昏(The New Order: Last Days of Europe)的新開發日誌。這裡是Panzer,過一會我準備寫自己的第一篇開發報告,我可是真TM的興奮啊!

Today we』ll be delaying our previously hinted diary and rolling back to South Africa, which we have recently doubled back to on the development team to flesh out and build up to make the war as expansive and dynamic as it should be.

今天我們將推遲先前提示過的日誌,並將目光拉回非洲南部,一個我們最近加倍擴充其開發團隊的人手,使那裡的戰爭像應該的那樣擴張性和充滿活力。

Which means… well there』s a lot to peel apart in this one. In total, there are five main paths, with many more variations depending on South Africa and America. This is also just for the war itself and its results - there is also a lot more going on under the hood as well that we won』t show off quite yet, though we might just hint at some for it.

這意味著……在這個問題上有很多東西要單拉出來討論。總的來說有五條主要結局路線,根據南非和美國的行為則有更多的變化:這也僅僅是戰爭本身和它的結果——在表象之下還有著更複雜的內容,我們現在不會炫耀聲張,儘管我們可能只暗示了一些。

Regardless, let』s get to the diary.

無論如何,讓我們走進本篇日誌。


概述

South Africa in 1962 is frozen with internal conflict. The African National Congress has begun mass protests across the nation due to the restrictive nature of the nations political system. While Apartheid was defeated in the 40』s, the nation has remained strictly divided on racial lines. Segregation is still built into everything, from the military to the civil service.

1962年的南非被內部衝突凍結束縛。由於國家政治體系的限制性,非洲人國民大會開始發動全國範圍內的大規模抗議活動。雖然種族隔離制度在40年代被廢除,但國家仍然嚴格劃分了種族界限:從軍事到行政事務,黑人和白人在一切領域都是孤立的。

In addition, the rising ideology of Pan-Africanism has also spelled cause for concern among both the South Africans, and their rivals across the border in Germany』s trio of Reichskommissariats. More and more Africans have proclaimed the need for a unified African state, free from foreign imperialism of all forms, united in purpose in repairing the damage that has ruined the continent.

此外,泛非主義的意識形態崛起,也引起了南非和他們的三個相鄰的帝國總督領(Reichskommissariats,RK)對手間的廣泛擔憂。越來越多的非洲人宣稱:他們需要一個統一的非洲國度,不受任何形式的外國帝國主義影響,聯合起來彌合那些破壞這片大陸的傷痕。

Not only is South Africa dealing with the ANC and the Pan-African movement, but it has also spread to the Reichskommissariats. From the brutal slave labor camps of Ostafrika, where Reichskommisar Hans Hüttig rules a brutal regime dedicated to the utter annihilation of any dissent against German rule, to the massive plantations of Zentralafrika around the great sea of the Congo basin, where African SS legions watch over their toiling brethren. German shipping companies grow rich off of the massive shipyards around the sea, taking in German supplies from the various rivers and canals and sending out barges filled to the brim with the wealth of Africa.

不僅是南非需要處理ANC(African National Congress,非洲人國民大會)和泛非運動的問題,這些組織和理念同樣散播到了帝國總督領。從奧斯塔夫里卡的殘酷奴隸勞動營,帝國總督漢斯. 許蒂希在這裡進行著殘暴的統治,致力於徹底毀滅任何反對德國統治的異議;到分布在「大剛果盆地海(TNO中剛果盆地被炸成了內海)」周圍的大規模中非種植園,在那裡,非洲SS軍團看守著他們「辛勤勞作的兄弟」。德國航運公司從非洲海岸分布的大型船塢獲益,盆滿缽滿,沿一條條河流和運河取走德國所需的物資,放出無數滿載非洲財富的駁船。

帝國總督領

穆勒的「中非總督領」:

Each Reichskommisars』 handling of this growing unrest is different. In the Congo, Siegfried Müller rules with the loosest hand of all, his regime almost being benign in its treatment of the locals. While slavery is the norm like in all of the Reichskommisariats, slaves technically have the right to earn their way to freedom, and most of the plantations have been given over to foreign corporations and businesses instead of simply run under the Nazi boot. Companies from all across the Unity-Pakt, Switzerland, Sweden, and elsewhere have grown rich over the labor here, and while the Africans still face a brutal regime above their head, thousands of them have found freedom either working for the local government or serving in the Reichskommisariats African SS divisions, two sure paths to eventual freedom for one and their family.

每一個帝國總督對日益嚴重的動蕩局勢,處理方法都有所不同。在剛果,西格弗里德.穆勒(Siegfried Müller)實行著最為寬鬆的管理,他的政權對待當地人幾乎可以說是溫和的。雖然奴隸制是所有帝國總督領的常態,但奴隸們在「技術上」有著掙脫鎖鏈獲得自由的權利,況且大部分種植園都被轉交給外國公司和企業,而不是簡單地在納粹的引導下運行。來自團結協定(Unity-Pakt,二戰後德國主導的陣營),瑞士,瑞典和其他地方的公司都通過這裡的勞工們變得愈來愈富裕,同時非洲人仍然面臨著凌駕於他們頭頂的殘暴政權。要麼為當地政府工作,要麼在總督領屬非洲SS軍團服役,成千上萬的非洲人獲得了自由:這是兩條為自己和家庭贏得最終自由的確定道路。

Müller himself however would rather adventure on the safari with his aides, hunting rare game and drinking and partying instead of actually ruling. When he is actually concerning himself with the state instead of allowing any foreign business interest to take control for themselves, he is simply joining his men on 『expeditions』 to stomp out pockets of native resistance, seeing these battles as just more hunts with slightly different 『trophies』 to take.

然而,穆勒本人更願意和助手一起遊獵探險,玩獵奇遊戲,舉辦派對縱情歡飲,而不是進行真正的統治。當他開始真正關心國家的時候,穆勒並沒有允許任何外國企業來替他們進行管理統治,他只是加入下屬的「探險隊」,來鎮壓本地抵抗組織。穆勒認為這些戰鬥僅僅是「獎盃」不同的更多狩獵罷了。

And when his men aren』t doing this or growing lazy on their plantation posts, they are selling themselves out as mercenaries to corporations, the other RKs of Africa, or even, under the table of course, as petty muscle to those who Germany considers their enemies.

當他的手下並沒有這樣做(鎮壓原住民),或者在他們的種植園崗位上日漸懶惰的時候,穆勒軍團便將自己作為僱傭軍出售給公司們,其他非洲總督領們,甚至在議會桌底,作為那些德國認為是敵對國家的「小小肌肉」。

施奈克的「西南非總督領」:

In Südwestafrika, Wolfgang Schenck rules with a similarly lenient hand, though Südwestafrika does not have the industry of the other Reichskommisars. Taking in more supplies from the Fatherland than any other Reichskommisar, Südwestafrika remains the poorest of the states, but Schenck has developed his own plan to keep his colony afloat.

在西南非洲,沃爾夫岡·施奈克(Wolfgang Schenck)用同樣寬大手腕統治,儘管這片土地沒有其他總督領所擁有的工業實力。儘管從祖國得到的供給多於其他任何總督領,但西南非洲仍是該地區最貧窮的國家,但是施奈克已經制定了自己的計劃來維持殖民地穩定。

The air hub of German Africa, with the jungle only being cut back enough in the Congo for new plantations and shipping lines to be built, the deserts have become home to the largest and most well built airfields on the entire continent. While Zentralafrika is the shipping hub of German Africa, the beating heart, Südwestafrika is the air hub. Cargo transport is common, but due to cost, is nowhere near the level of the Congo. However, all German bombers leaving for Western Africa leave from the bases in the Congo, where they can safely fly sorties without fear of Triumvirate interceptors.

作為德屬非洲的航空樞紐,剛果的叢林被嚴重砍伐削減,以建造新的種植園和運輸航線,這些沙漠已經成為整個大陸上規模最大,建造最好機場的所在地。正如中非總督領是德屬非洲的船運中心,西南非總督領就如跳動的心臟一般,作為航空樞紐。在這裡貨物運輸相當普遍,但限於成本,規模遠遠不及剛果的水平。然而,所有前往西非的德國轟炸機都從要剛果基地起飛,在那裡它們可以安全出航,無需擔心三頭同盟(由義大利,伊比利亞聯邦,土耳其主導)的攔截機。

Schneck charges the Reich for the gas required to fuel them, as well as an extra amount for their use of Südwestafrika』s runways, with most of the money disappearing from the economic budget and going straight into his burgeoning air force. With the most modern and successful airforce in Africa, Schneck has ensured his planes rule the skies.

施奈克向德國收取轟炸機們所需燃料的費用,以及使用西南非跑道的額外費用。其中大部分資金從經濟預算中消失,直接流入他迅速發展的空軍囊中。憑藉著非洲最為現代也是最成功的空軍,施奈克確保他的飛機統治著天空。

This has come with criticism however, as while his planes have made great use bombing insurgents across the deserts of Angola, he has allowed the economy to remain underdeveloped and, much like Müller he would rather spend time with his pet projects than in any government building. Schenck can be found more often flying than he can be found ruling, and has even joined Müller on several of his Safaris, piloting him in a personal helicopter or joining on the hunt.

然而,這樣的行為引起了批評,因為儘管他的飛機在安哥拉沙漠中高頻率出動來轟炸叛亂分子,但施奈克允許經濟保持不發達狀態。正如穆勒一樣,他寧願花費時間與他的「寵物項目」們為伴,而不是什麼政府大樓。人們發現施奈克駕機飛行的時間甚至長於他統治的時間,甚至還幾次加入了穆勒的探險小隊,駕駛著個人直升機或參與狩獵。

Many claim this is because Schneck finds peace in the air that he can』t find in the horrors of German Africa, but he has given no image other than that of a loyal German, and his rule has yet to be challenged.

許多人聲稱,這是因為施奈克在空中找到了,在德屬非洲的恐懼中找不到的和平,但他只給人留下了「忠實德國人」的印象,他的統治還沒有受到挑戰。

許蒂希的「東非總督領」:

Finally, there is Hans Hüttig of Ostafrika, who, as mentioned before, rules with an iron first. Viewing Ostafrika as just yet another camp for him to run, the people there live rigid, militaristic lives, with only Germans being allowed into any position and the African being subservient in all means. The only Reichskomissar is the only one of his kind in Africa who refuses to use African SS divisions, giving him the smallest military of all of the RKs and, so far, the most difficult time handling the burgeoning rebellions in his colony.

最後,來看看東非的漢斯.許蒂希(Hans Hüttig),如前所述,他實行鐵腕統治。將東非看作是他需要運作的另一個軍營,那裡的人們過著僵化的軍國主義生活,只有德國人才能走上各種職位,非洲人則無論如何一定要服從。東非總督領是非洲同僚中唯一一個拒絕使用非洲SS軍團的地區,使得他只擁有所有RK中規模最小的軍隊,目前他正處於處理其殖民地新興叛亂的最困難時期。

His men, however, are elite. Not only does the German garrison drill and battle constantly, unlike those in the Congo who laze around in their 『easy』 posts or those in Südwestafrika who have been utterly forgotten in favor of the air force, Ostafrika』s garrison remains the sharpest and finest in German Africa. His forces are also bolstered by the former Anglo population of Rhodesia. While not substantial, they had been given the option of joining the colonial government and military or finding themselves in a similar situation to the Africans, and now they help maintain the core of Hüttig』s military.

然而,他的軍隊全部是精英。不僅德國駐軍不斷訓練和戰鬥,不像那些在「輕鬆」崗位上無所事事的剛果同行,也不像那些因為空軍而被遺忘,完全失寵的西南非洲軍隊,東非的駐軍仍然是德屬非洲最精銳和最優秀的。他的軍隊也得到了羅德西亞地區前盎格魯人的支持。雖然其人數不多,但他們在【加入殖民政府的軍隊】,或【發現自己處於與其他非洲人有著類似的處境】中選擇了前者,現在他們幫助維持許蒂希的軍隊核心。

His relations with the other Reichskommisars are… cool, however, him seeing his two compatriots as weak and effeminate and having allowed their colonies to fall to degeneracy. Hüttig does not join in the Safari, does not take flights with Schneck, and Ostafrikans are seen as a distrustful and odd lot, the Reichskomissar maintaining an exceptionally isolationist policy with its brother states, only dealing directly with the Fatherland.

許蒂希與其他帝國總督之間的關係……很是冷淡僵硬,然而他看到兩個同僚軟弱而陰柔,坐視自己的殖民地墮落。許蒂希不參加狩獵旅行,不與施奈克一併飛行,而德屬東非的人們不被信任,被視為古怪的團體,許蒂希總督與其兄弟國之間維持孤立主義政策,只與祖國進行直接交涉。

One thing is for certain, any alliance between the three would require a truly epic catastrophe…

有一點是肯定的:想讓三者之間形成任何聯盟,都需要一場真正史詩般的災難……

「非洲之盾」

Regardless, lets move on from these 3 pages of pure L O R E and get into the meat of it.

無論如何,讓我們走出這三頁純粹的簡史,走進這篇日誌的「肉」。

南非

南非的現狀:

South Africa in 1962, as mentioned before, is on the tipping point. Frozen in crisis as the ANC has further and further pushed for equal rights and self determination, the situation has been further exacerbated by Nelson Mandela』s uMkhonto we Sizwe, or MK, the militant wing of the ANC that has begun several terrorist attacks across the nation.

正如之前提到的那樣,1962年的南非處於臨界點。由於非洲民族會議(ANC)在權利平等和自治權的問題上步步緊逼,南非被凍結於危機之中,不得動彈。納爾遜.曼德拉的「民族之矛(uMkhonto we Sizwe,或稱MK,隸屬ANC的武裝部隊)」 開始在全國各地製造幾起恐怖襲擊,使得局勢進一步惡化。

The government has so far refused the cries for reform, nervous about losing the powerbase that has been maintained for decades and also angering the increasingly militant Boers, who have for decades been funded and trained by the Reich and the RKs. But with the ANC protests beginning to turn violent as their calls for change have been met with silence and police lines, change must come, one way or another.

到目前為止,政府拒絕接受改革的呼聲,對失去數十年來保持的權力基礎感到緊張,也激怒了近年來越來越激進的布爾人,他們幾十年來他一直由帝國和總督領們資助和訓練。但是隨著ANC的抗議開始付諸為暴力行動,因為他們對變革的呼籲只帶來了沉默和警戒線,變革必須到來,無論是以怎樣的方式出現。

One thing is for sure, South Africa is on the brink. It is time for action.

有一件事是肯定的:南非已處在崩潰邊緣。現在是時候行動了。

South Africa has two distinct paths that it may venture down. The government may either bend to the ANC and begin negotiating for sweeping reform to the political system and very society of South Africa, or they may go down… a less advised path.

南非有兩條不同的道路可以冒險走下去。政府可以屈服於ANC,並在談判周旋中開始對南非的政治體制和社會進行徹底改革,否則他們可能會走上一條……不那麼明智的道路。

「協商談判」路線

For the first path, immediate talks will begin with the ANC to discuss the equalization of the political system, further attempts to integrate the military, the possibility of autonomy or outright independence for various areas, and more. With reform on the table, the ANC will stand down their protests, and only the most militant will continue their agitation.

對於第一條道路:立即開始與ANC進行談判,討論政治制度的均等化,進一步嘗試整合軍隊,各地區自治或完全獨立的可能性等等。改革擺在桌面上,ANC將停止抗議,只有最激進的部分才會繼續他們的煽動。

Of course, not all will be happy about the decision…

當然,並不是所有人都對這樣的決定感到高興…

Of course, reform will solve these issues. The main issue is with the Africans, and surely all can agree that South Africa must remain united in these trying times.

當然,改革會解決這些問題。主要的問題在於非洲人,當然所有人都會同意:南非必須在這個艱難時期保持團結。

Well they』ll of course stand down as they realize that we truly are better together.

當他們意識到:所有人在一起精誠合作真的更好時,他們當然會讓步。

But at least they know they aren』t strong enough to revolt!

但至少他們知道自己沒有強大到公開叛亂的地步!

AT LEAST THERE ARE NO FOREIGN ACTORS DESPERATE ENOUGH TO-

至少沒有境外勢力鋌而走險到-

(the event in case y』all haven』t read our past diaries:

事件放這兒,以防你們沒讀過我們之前的日誌

Of course that』s just one of the paths, if you』re a terrible person there』s another one too!

當然,這只是其中的一條路線;如果你是一個可怕的人:3),還有另一條路等著你!

「坦克上街」路線

The 『Send in the Army』 path involves the South African stomping down on these protests, refusing to accept change to its rigid racial system and give up power to the people. At least that』s what it comes off as with armored vehicles tearing through city streets and protests brutally being put down by the military.

「坦克上街」的路線表明了南非政府對這些抗議的踐踏,拒絕改變其僵化的種族制度,將權力下放給人民。至少:當裝甲車在城市街道上呼嘯而過,抗議活動被軍方殘酷鎮壓,這條路線就差不多這種感覺。

Of course, brutally putting down a faction with an armed militant wing and wide ranging popular support can only end well…

當然,殘忍地鎮壓一個擁有武裝激進分子和廣泛民眾支持的派系只會有好的結果……

Well, erm, it may be that this path is not exactly the best choice.

好吧,嗯,也許這條路並不是最好的選擇。

With both the Boers and the ANC horrified at the massacre, plus everyone who had previously sat on the sidelines, South Africa』s woes do not seem to have come anywhere close to peaking.

由於布爾人和ANC都對大屠殺感到震驚,再加上之前所有袖手旁觀的人,南非的災難似乎還遠未達到頂峰。

The ANC will move immediately to show the government that they too have teeth, and the nation will be thrown into chaos as the entire country begins to fracture.

ANC將立即行動,向政府表明他們也有尖牙利齒,當整個國家開始破裂時,南非將陷入混亂。

And it isn』t only the Africans feeling attacked by the Massacre. Whether true or not, the Boers have seen it as an attempt to target key Afrikan figures in Capetown, and make their own moves to secession.

不僅僅是非洲人感受到被大屠殺所襲擊。不管是真是假,布爾人都將屠殺視為「瞄準開普敦關鍵人物」的嘗試,他們採取了自己的行動來脫離聯邦。

Which is how we get our second situation for the war:

這就是我們如何得到戰爭的第二種情況:

With Oliver Tambo』s ANC and Albert Hertzog』s Boers all rallying to destroy the nation, it seems that South Africa may truly have reached its darkest hour. A three way war between the Boers and their German allies, the Africans, and a South African state building a system increasingly similar to the one once proposed by the Afrikaner so long ago.

隨著奧利弗·坦博的ANC和艾伯特.赫佐格領導的布爾人團結起來,意圖摧毀國家,看來南非可能真的到了至暗時刻。布爾人和其德國盟友、非洲人和南非政府之間的三方戰爭,形成了一個類似於很久以前由南非白人們提出的狀況設想。

奧利弗·坦博

艾伯特.赫佐格

Of course, no matter which way South Africa goes, the RKs will still invade, and America will still make its stand. ** America: ** With American politics dominated by a similar issue with the growing Civil Rights movement, the Republican-Democrat administration has been keen on finding ways out of their predicament. Luckily, that solution falls into their laps when the RKs invade South Africa to secure the continent once and for all.

當然,無論南非選擇哪條道路,總督領們都會入侵,美國也仍將堅持自己的立場。**美國,**隨著日益增長的民權運動,為之受控的美國政治。共和-民主黨聯合一直熱衷於尋找擺脫困境的方法。幸運的是,當總督們為了一勞永逸地控制大陸而入侵南非時,解決方案落入了他們的圈套。


這裡放一個在Part2至關重要的組織:OFN(Organization Von Freien Nationan,自由國家組織)

正是OFN的存在,才使得這片土地有了更為光明和多樣的未來(你們喜聞樂見的更多結局路線)

-----------凱撒漢化組呈上


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