TNO開發日誌#7-8 |諸神黃昏（Part-2）

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Dev Diary VII: Gotterdammerung-Speers Reich

開發日誌7-諸神黃昏：斯佩爾國度

本篇日誌由 @盲目痴愚之徒 和 @卡巴基 協力漢化 ～

第一次試著翻譯了國策（99％漢化），如有瑕疵歡迎指正：3

由於篇幅實在過長，一些文段刪掉了英文原文。

這裡先欣賞一幅藝術作品，由凱撒漢化組@Xibrowski完成，為大家開啟這一段文明之旅

國家重組

Speer had every obstacle in front of him, whether it be the hatred coming from the establishment of the Reichstag or his rebellion beginning his biggest rival with Heydrich, but against the odds he has prevailed. Speer』s enemies are dead or imprisoned or fled abroad, and besides a few of the most zealous holdouts and Reichskommissars, all have recognized the authority of the new Führer in the Reichstag.

對斯佩爾而言，無論是來自建立國會所帶來的仇恨，還是他最大的對手，海德里希正組織的暴亂，他面前的所有障礙都只是源於：自己已佔據上風。斯佩爾的敵人或是死亡、或是被監禁、或是逃往國外，除了一些最狂熱的堅持者和帝國總督外，所有身處國會大廈的人都已經認可了新元首的權威。

Speer』s enemies are still legion, however, and the problems ailing Germany have not gone away with an apocalyptic war. However, in power, he has radical plans on how to save Germany from her woes. The government must go left, it must throw off its outdated trappings, it must reform its military and it must cut off the chaff.

軍團仍然是斯佩爾的敵人，而且困擾德國的問題並沒有隨著一場天啟戰爭而消失。然而在執政方面，他對如何從困境中拯救德國有著為激進的計劃。政府必須走向左翼，必須擺脫過時的制度，改革軍隊，與過去做個了斷。

First, Speer must begin reorganizing the nation to recover from the fallout of the war. While Bormann and G?ring have similar sized trees, this is only half of Speer』s recovery effort that he must undertake (more on that later). For now, he must restore order to the anarchy that has enveloped Germany, begin purifying the military of his opponents, and begin bringing stability to the nation.

首先，斯佩爾必須開始重組國家，以便從戰爭的餘波中恢復過來。雖然鮑曼和戈林擁有相似大小的國策樹，但這只是斯佩爾必須承擔恢復工作的一半（稍後會詳細介紹）。現在，他必須從籠罩德國的無政府狀態恢復秩序，開始清洗其對手的軍隊，並將穩定帶回國家。

Speer can not risk mass purges of his rivals, simply too much of Germany was opposed to him in the war to do so. In order for his administration to survive, it will have to treat with many who stood against it. This means that Speer』s path is fraught with danger, too rapid reform will bring resistance, and one can only imagine what would happen if he infuriates his colleagues enough to bring unrest back to Germany.

斯佩爾不能冒險地對他的競爭對手進行大規模清洗，只是因為太多的德國人在戰爭中反對他……為了使其管理能夠繼續下去，斯佩爾必須與眾多異議者對峙。這意味著他的道路充滿了危險，過快的改革將招來抵制，人們只能想像如果他對同事施行【足以將動亂帶回德國】的激怒行為會帶來什麼結果。

Once this is done, Speer begins his tree proper. Starting with the military.

一旦完成（恢復工作），斯佩爾就會開啟他的國策樹，從軍事開始。

軍事樹

Speer has possibly the smallest military tree of the four players, matching his ideas of a smaller, more focused Wehrmacht.

斯佩爾的軍事樹可能是這四名候選人中最小的，這與他對國防軍小而精的目標相匹配。

陸軍：

First, he must reform the branch most against him, the Heer. The Heer』s commanders are still openly rebellious against their new master, refusing to be led by a more pacifistic leader who openly speaks of cutting the massive military budget the Reich has built up over the years. Further purges will be necessary, and much of the tree is focused around building up a new and more loyal officer corps.

首先，他必須改革最大的反對派，即國防軍陸軍。陸軍的指揮官們仍然公開違逆他們的新元首，拒絕服從更和平主義的，曾公開談論削減帝國多年來建立巨額軍事預算領導人的領導。更深一步的清洗將是必要的，並且國策的大部分都集中在建立一個新的且更加忠誠的軍官隊伍。

In addition, Speer can unify the multitude of bodyguard units into a more elite and well prepared force, instead of a smattering of mercenaries constantly squabbling for favor, and use this to begin establishing a new era of the German Special Forces, able to carefully and quickly execute the will of the government as needed.

此外，斯佩爾可以將眾多護衛部隊合併為一支更加精銳且有備而戰的部隊，來取代一小撮不斷爭吵的僱傭兵，並利用這一點開始建立一隻能謹慎且高效地執行政府意志的新時代德國特種部隊。

The military can also either focus on mechanization or embracing the new era represented by the helicopter. The panzer fleet of Germany is already far too massive for its own good, proving to be more of a money sink than almost any other part of the armed forces, and in an era where Germany must move away from its focus on reliving the great, grand battles of the last war, has no place.

軍隊也可以專註於機械化或擁抱直升機的新時代。德國的裝甲艦隊已經過於龐大導致其無法實現自身價值，事實證明幾乎任何其他軍隊都比它更省錢，而且在這個讓德國再次偉大的時代，沒有地方留給往日的餘暉。

海軍：

Speer also needs to redevelop the Kriegsmarine. The branch was the friendliest towards him during the war, though still primarily controlled by his rivals, and he can use these connections to try and quickly rebuild the Admiralty with more like minded individuals.

斯佩爾還需要重建帝國海軍。在戰爭期間，雖然該部門主體仍然由他的競爭對手控制，但對他來說依舊是最友好的。他可以利用這些聯繫，來嘗試去和更多志同道合的人一起迅速重建海軍部。

There are two main decisions to be made. Either scrapping the greatly outdated fleet or attempting to retrofit and redevelop it. The first option is the cheapest and can make it much easier for the Kriegsmarine to begin moving forward.

有兩個主體方向可以選擇。要麼廢棄遠落後於時代的戰列艦，要麼試圖改造並重新開發它們。第一種選擇成本最低，可以讓帝國海軍更容易開始重新前進。

However, this would be controversial, not only among the Kriegsmarine and the conservatives but with the people. Throwing away the fleet would be a demoralizing blow to the people, in an era where Germany desperately needs victories and symbols to rally behind.

然而，這帝國海軍不僅與保守派存在爭議，與民眾之間也是如此。在這個德國迫切需要勝利和象徵物的時代，拋棄戰列艦對人民來說是一種令人沮喪的打擊。

Still, no matter what is chosen, the navy needs a new focus. Whether scrapped or modernized, the navy must move away from its obsession with growing its fleet of battleships past imaginable levels. Like much of the German military, they have little place in the modern world and serve as nothing but a money trap. Instead, Speer can focus on either a modern carrier fleet to help Germany project its power overseas, or a submarine fleet to ensure more direct safety of European waters.

不過，無論做什麼選擇，海軍都需要新的發展路線。無論是將其報廢還是現代化，海軍都必須擺脫其對【戰列艦隊伍日益壯大】的幻想水平的痴迷。像許多德國軍隊一樣，他們在現代世界中並無地位，只能作為吞金機器。相反，斯佩爾可以專註於現代運輸船隊，以幫助德國在海外投放兵力，或者選擇潛艇艦隊，以確保更直接的歐洲海域安全。

空軍：

The airforce has the greatest amount of variety. With a sharp ending of the Wunderwaffe programs, the funding of the Luftwaffe can be relocated to more pressing matters: focusing and developing its airfleet towards a more singular purpose and goal. The decision has to be made, will the Luftwaffe focus on interceptors and protecting the skies of Germany and the soldiers below? Improving the helicopter fleet and using it to multiply the effectiveness of the infantry? Or bombers, and begin an era of smarter, more focused bombing campaigns, with minimal collateral damage and a rapid destruction of those who threaten Germany.

空軍擁有最多樣化的空間。隨著奇蹟武器計劃的結束，德國空軍的資金可以轉移到更緊迫的事項上：集中並發展其飛行器，以達到更加單一的用途與目標。斯佩爾必須做出決定，德國空軍是否會專註於攔截機並保護德國的天空和下方的士兵？或者改善直升機機隊並使用它來增加步兵的作戰效率？亦或是轟炸機，開啟一個更集中，更智能的轟炸活動的時代，以最小的附帶損害，迅速摧毀威脅對象。

Finally, the airforce will need to be focused on its new direction. The pilots will need to be retrained, the fleet rebuilt, and focus returned towards using the Luftwaffe』s budget for rebuilding the airfleet instead of squandering it on pet projects and the inane dreams of the Reichstag.

最後，空軍將需要關注其新方向。飛行員再培訓，機隊重新構建，並將德國空軍預算的使用重心轉向重建飛機，而不是浪費在寵物項目和國會大廈的夢想中。

政治樹：

接下來，我們將看看斯佩爾的政治選項，以及他將如何重塑帝國。

然而在他能夠做到這一點之前，他需要先解決帝國正面臨的問題。 儘管學生們支持的領導者已經掌權，但他們依然沒有離開街道，他們仍然有要求想被傾聽，並且學生們已自行組織武裝，他們德精神比以往任何時候都更加緊繃。 值得慶幸的是：對於斯佩爾來說，學生更易於管理，並且能確保即將來臨的變革並不困難。

銀行也是一個一直存在的問題。 自從幾年前控制了帝國的經濟，他們就像的政府中滋生的腐敗一樣快速成長。他必須決定銀行的命運：無論是與銀行談判並完全私有化，或是期望於通過法律和官僚機構來控制它們，亦或者取締銀行，逮捕銀行家，並將帝國銀行改革為穩定的政府部門。

完成後，斯佩爾就可以開始讓德國再次偉大了。

國家重組：

要終結種姓制度並改革德國的政治制度，斯佩爾還有很長的路要走。在推進改革的每一步中他都要與帝國國會相對抗，如果他還沒有完成他的工業樹，可能會導致帝國經濟最終失去控制，最後的生命線被殘忍切斷。

假使斯佩爾能夠成功地度過那些【嘗試將帝國結束於痴迷種族優越感狀態】的雷區，那麼他最有可能對種姓制度提出個強有效的解決方案。 通過結束分裂和提拔奴隸，他可以重新定義，什麼才是是國家社會主義的公民。 一個人的強大將取決於他的忠誠，他的奉獻精神和他對國家的貢獻，而不是基於種族。

他還必須決定帝國的政治前景。斯佩爾可以是一個威權民主黨人，期望民主制度判決帝國的獨裁者及其下屬，或者是一個義大利式的法西斯主義者，致力於一個小拜占庭和不人道的制度，在那裡，元首充當仁慈的獨裁者，並且法律將預防他最嚴重的過激行為。

這兩條路都充滿了危險，儘管德國人當然會對第二種選擇更加開放。每條道路也讓他決定了德國在整個歐洲的範圍究竟是什麼。作為一名法西斯主義者，施佩爾可能會選擇改革帝國議會以遵循德國的新法律，並遵循其新的法律和改革以實現仁慈的統治，或者可以試圖完全打破德國的錫罐獨裁者及其軍事政權，以及試圖將歐洲恢復到表面上的意義。

如果斯佩爾決定與帝國總督共事而不是將他們隔離，第一種選擇將導致他們進行改革並遵循黨派路線；或改革被拒絕，並使總督與帝國發生衝突。第二種選擇更加極端，將導致斯佩爾試圖打破德國對歐洲原有的，有利於支持當地政權重奪控制權的統治，將東方領地控制權交給在帝國總督手下服務的合作者，並在團結協定內再次重新劃分歐洲邊界。當然，如果斯佩爾在此之前設法避免衝突，那麼這很可能成為大多數人的最後一根稻草，人們只能想像：當地人在帝國再次獲得的統治後下繼續的生活，可能並不那麼美好。

國家重建：

德國的工業和科學部門也需要改革。在內戰之前，這個國家已經崩潰了，在國家中投下的大量炸彈和在每個角落都進行的槍戰似乎都使問題更加嚴重。

然而，斯佩爾是一名建築師。

斯佩爾為德國的新基礎設施和行業計劃設想了很多美好計劃。從兩件事開始：重建柏林地鐵並改革國家有限徵兵計劃，再次包括徵召德國人，還有一項旨在將德國人拖回國家經濟的公務員制度。

隨著柏林地鐵（U-Bahn）的完工，商業可以再次開始在德國各地流動，隨著道路的擴建和現代車輛的重新設計，可以展開比以往更多的行業。

通過建立適當的公務員制度，慢慢將德國人引回勞動力隊伍，國家終於可以獲得足以完成斯派爾雄心勃勃的項目所需的熟練勞動力。奴隸是努力但不可靠的工人，他們如此強烈地鄙夷帝國，因此不能被國家重建所信任。

然而，這只是一個開始。整個國家必須從頭開始重建，並且需要大量的工人和資本。此外，數百萬難民和內戰的受害者現在在全國各地遊盪，如果希望在國家陷入無政府狀態之前穩定國家，就需要給予他們適當的援助和強有力的指導。

最終，國策樹或多或少地分裂。德國將需要進一步確保德國人進入勞動力市場，誘使他們參與官方福利計劃，工廠的實際安全標準，建立服務部門，並消除性別差距，在成千上萬的人已由於衝突死亡的情況下，幫助國家正確利用另一半的人口。

振興德國的項目也將繼續，進一步努力清理戰爭的破壞，隨後進一步擴建德國的基礎設施。以統一標準在歐洲修建道路的宏偉計劃將最終完成，民用航空旅行將得到鼓勵和補貼，總督轄區也將被提升到這一新標準。

最終，必須決定斯佩爾將如何處理他繼承的巨大紀念碑和「寵物項目」，如人民大廳。無論是大規模的還是逐漸破碎的紀念碑都必須放棄，將資源利用或維持在更緊迫的項目上，將重點放在這些宏偉和象徵意義的表現物上，以向德國人民表明德國從未被擊敗，並表明德國光明的未來。

斯佩爾也將致力於德國科學的改革。通過把團結協定（Unity-Pakt，二戰後德國主導的陣營）的各種科學小組團結在一起，終於將科學界的各種限制和黑名單消除，特別是將「德意志物理」和其他通過抹殺德國核計劃從而差點葬送帝國勝利的那些「廢話」終結。科學家們最終可以把德國帶回20世紀，甚至砥礪前行。

他還可以進一步向前看，直至科技的最前沿，並開始從登月中吸取教訓，嘗試將其應用到新的任務中。與他的同行相比，斯佩爾在宇宙中有一個更為複雜的焦點樹，卻只有更為單調的結局：這反映了斯佩爾更現實的期望和看到實際科學進步的願望，而不是徒勞的民族主義一腔熱血。他的最後一個重點，是致力於德國在地球周圍建立自己的空間站，或者如果與國際社會合作，我們可以目睹一個國際空間站的建立，來進一步團結全球科學界，並在世界各地建立積極的關係。

外交樹

And now, onto the largest portion of Speer』s tree. Diplomacy.

現在，來看看斯佩爾國策樹最大的部分，外交。

The tree has two distinct branches, focusing on the international community or looking inward and trying to reform the Unity-Pakt and the Reichskommissariats into a more stable, capable, organization. In comparison to our reality, the two trees focus on trying to create the UN or the EU, with the prior fitting in with an Auth Dem Speer and the latter matching more with a Fascist Speer, though they are not locked by ideology.

這棵樹有兩個不同的分支：聚焦於國際社會，或著眼於內部，試圖將團結協定和帝國總督領改革為一個更穩定、更有能力的組織。與我們的現實相比，這兩棵樹的重點在於試圖創建聯合國或歐盟，前者更傾向於與威民斯佩爾相匹配，後者更傾向於與法西斯斯佩爾相匹配，儘管它們並沒有被意識形態所束縛（AI傾向）。

國際交流：

First, we shall look at the international focus.

首先，我們來看看國際向國策。

The KN (Koalition der Nationen) tree is shorter because it won』t see its full effect at game start, which we』ll get to later.

KN（Koalition der Nationen，聯合國）樹較短，因為我們不會在遊戲開始時看到它的全部效果，稍後會看到噠。

The path to build this unheard of organization is a longer one than simply beginning to build up the Pakt, as it will take serious diplomatic efforts to even get the project off the ground. Germany will need to completely change how foreign nations see it, from a repressive regime to a kinder, benevolent one. This, will of course be easier if Speer has already reformed Germany and freed its slaves.

建立這個聞所未聞的組織，道路比當初簡單地建立團結協定要漫長，因為它需要認真的外交努力才能使項目落到實處。德國需要徹底改變外國國家看待它的方式，從壓迫性政權到仁慈的政權。如果斯佩爾已經將德國進行了改革並解放奴隸，這當然會更容易。

Once the KN is formed, it needs to become an actual organization. People abroad and in Germany must both support its foundation and existence, and nations must be invited as official members. Speer will need to reach out to the Russians, the Triumvirate (or former Triumvirate, more likely), the United States, Japan, the various secondary powers around the world, and of course, everyone else. Acceptance is dependent on the nation being asked, their decision based on their relations with Germany and how they look upon Speer』s reforms. Nations who refuse have a decision to join at any time they choose, and Germany has one to invite them again.

一旦KN成立，它就需要成為一個有實際意義的組織。外國人和德國本地人都必須支持它的存在基礎，國家們必須被邀請作為正式成員。施佩爾將需要接觸俄羅斯諸國、「三頭同盟」(或者更有可能是前「三巨頭」)、美國、日本、世界上各種次等列強以及其他所有國家接觸。接受與否，取決於被邀請的國家，他們做出什麼樣的決定基於與德國的關係，以及如何看待施佩爾的改革。那些拒絕了的國家會擁有一個決議，以便在任何他們願意的時刻加入，德國也有再一次邀請他們的決議。

With the KN established and seen as a legitimate body, it finally needs to be decided how exactly it will be run. There are three choices. The KN can be a meeting place for all nations, equally representing all nations of the world, making it a more noble body perhaps but also most likely taking out any teeth the powers that be would be willing to give it. It can be a circle of various powers, forming a Security Council and giving the most powerful handful of nations a greater voice and a floor for them to discuss issues, or it can go on the other side of the spectrum and serve as a floor for the big three players in the Cold War, giving it perhaps the most power it can have but also possibly making it far more polarized than it could be, and disheartening everyone in the organization besides Japan, Germany and the United States.

隨著KN建立並被視為一個合法的機構，我們最終需要決定它將如何運作。有三個選擇：

它可以是所有國家的會議場所，平等地代表世界上所有國家，這使得KN成為一個更為高貴的機構，但也很可能只將「除去了牙齒」的權力交予這個機構，別無所得。

可以是各方勢力圍成的權貴圈，創建一個安理會並給予最強大的幾個國家更大的話語權，以及討論各種問題的地板。

或者它也可以成為另一個極端：為冷戰中的三巨頭提供平台，給予其最大的權力，不理會組織中除了日本，德國和美國的聲音。

Regardless of how the KN is built, it must then begin forming its child organizations and working towards what it sees as a better world. The tree here is very temporary, as it will soon make use of the new dynamic focus branches that Cornflakes will give us. Until then however, you can see placeholders that will eventually be expanded.

無論KN是被如何建立的，都必須著手建立下屬組織，並朝著它所看到的更美好世界而努力。這裡的國策樹只是臨時的，因為它將很快運用新的，玉米片DLC帶來的「動態焦點樹」。但是在此之前，你可以看到最終它將擴展成什麼樣子。

A Court of Human Rights can be founded to begin uplifting the peoples of the world, show the world that Germany is working towards change and to challenge the Japanese regime. An army of International Peacekeepers can be formed to answer any crisis in the world with a neutral body. An Economic Council can work towards improving and regulating the world economy, and a Treaty on Nuclear Arms can be made to try to calm the tensions around the world and prevent more nations from acquiring WMDs.

KN可以著手建立一個人權法庭來鼓舞各國人民，向世界表明：德國正在努力進行變革，並挑戰日本政府。可以組建一支國際維和部隊，以一個中立的機構來應對世界上的任何危機；一個經濟委員會可以致力於改善和規範世界經濟；一個關於核武器的條約可以試圖平息世界各地的緊張局勢，防止更多的國家獲得大規模殺傷性武器。

And then there』s actual intervention. Issues like the constant border conflicts across Europe, the desolation of Africa, and Russian Warlordism can each be tackled by the KN and solutions decided and mutually worked towards. Chief of all for Germany however, is finding a solution to the Burgundian Issue. The tumor on the side of the Reich needs to be excised, one way or the other. Speer can ask for a KN mission to break Himmler』s madhouse, but if refused, can instead go in alone, and try and solve it himself, possibly betraying the organization he strived so hard to create.

然後就是實際干預了。像歐洲邊界衝突不斷、非洲荒蕪凄涼、俄羅斯軍閥主義盛行等問題，都可以通過共同決定，齊心努力來解決。然而，德國的首要任務是找到解決勃艮第問題的辦法。不管怎樣，生長在帝國一側的腫瘤需要切除。施佩爾可以申請一個KN任務來摧毀希姆萊的瘋人院，但如果被拒絕，他也可以獨自前去並嘗試自行解決，可能會背叛他努力創建的組織（KN）。

團結協定：

Without the KN, Speer can』t be the pacifist he may want to be. Instead, he』ll have to use his diplomatic abilities to try and keep Germany alive throughout the Cold War and into the future.

沒有KN，斯佩爾不可能成為他想成為的和平主義者。相反，他將不得不利用他的外交能力，試圖讓德國在冷戰期間和未來生存下去。

First off is Russia and the Balkans. Speer has the option to attempt to woo either the various fascist warlords in Russia or attempt a more general approach, expanding diplomatic ties with nations in the region regardless of ideology. This can eventually be used to either support a limited reunification into a friendly Russian state that will totally always remain friendly no ifs, ands or buts (it may backfire just a little) or support several of the stronger Russian minors to form a series of smaller, but still friendly and less dangerous nations.

首先是俄羅斯和巴爾幹諸國。斯佩爾可以選擇向俄羅斯的各種法西斯軍閥示好，也可以選擇採取更為廣泛的方式：擴大與該地區國家的外交關係，而不考慮意識形態。這可以最終被用來支持一個有限統一，友好的俄羅斯國度（也許會適得其反吧），或支持幾個強大的俄羅斯小規模勢力，以形成一系列規模較小，但仍然友好卻不那麼危險的國家。

In the Balkans, the chief issue is Romania.

巴爾幹地區，主要問題在於羅馬尼亞。

While Romania is now under a different government than the outright hostile one the Reich faced in the 50s, the nation still doggedly refuses to give up its gains and represents a thick wall between Germany and the southeast.

雖然羅馬尼亞現任政府與50年代德國所面對的，完全敵對政府有所不同，但這個國家仍然頑強地拒絕放棄自己獲得的一切，並代表著德國與東南部之間的一堵厚牆。

Decisions must be made to either sanction the nation and attempt to go down the road of breaking it up once more or to reestablish ties at the cost of further isolating the rest of the Balkans, but possibly bringing the region』s most powerful nation, besides Italy and Turkey, into the fold.

必須做出決定：要麼制裁羅馬尼亞，試圖去破壞曾經打破過一次的道路，或是冒著進一步與巴爾幹諸國孤立的風險與羅馬尼亞重歸於好，可能會將該地區除了義大利和土耳其外最強大的國家拉入陣營。

Regardless of which is chosen, getting past Romania opens options to treat with Italy and Turkey. Both will require concessions on the part of Speer, and treating with one will prevent Germany from befriending the other, but either way, taking one of these two rival nations from despising to Germany to joining her alliance is a gargantuan task and an impressive accomplishment.

無論選擇哪條道路，通過羅馬尼亞與義大利和土耳其打交道都是不錯的選擇。這兩個國家都需要施佩爾做出讓步，而與其中一個國家交易，將阻止德國與另一個國家成為朋友。但無論如何，讓這兩個國家中的一個不再敵視德國並加入其聯盟是一項龐大的任務，也是一項顯赫的成就。

Speer can also work to make inroads into the east. In the Middle East, he may choose to either work with Italy in an attempt to divide up the region into spheres of influence, or Speer may risk everything and attempt to subvert Italy』s control of the region. While the latter may present more gains for Germany there, it also prevents Germany from working with Italy in the future.

斯佩爾也可以致力於進軍東方。在中東，他可能會選擇與義大利合作，試圖將該地區分割並納入勢力範圍，或者他會堵上一切，試圖顛覆義大利對該地區的控制。後者可能會給德國帶來更多收益，但也會阻止德國將來與義大利合作。

Securing the Middle East will bring Germany down to Africa, where Speer can either try and woo the local warlords of the African Reichskommissariats or attempt to force them to follow along on his reforms, culminating in Speer choosing to either try and woo the Boers or the South African government.

中東安全的確保，將把德國帶入非洲，在那裡，斯佩爾既可以試圖討好那些非洲帝國總督的軍閥們，也可以試圖強迫他們接受改革。最終斯佩爾需要選擇：要麼去爭取布爾人，要麼去爭取南非政府。

Bridges can also be made to Iran, plying them with aid and assistance and using them to approach Afghanistan and the Central Asians and, more importantly, India. Speer has the best chance of any of the German leaders to woo India to his side, but like with Italy and Turkey, it will come at much cost, and there is no promise the Indians will honor any deal made.

橋樑也可以架往伊朗，向其提供支援和幫助，並利用伊朗來接近阿富汗和中亞地區，更重要的是影響印度。相比於其他領導人，斯佩爾有著爭取印度支持的最佳機會，但就如義大利和土耳其一樣，這將付出很大代價，況且不敢說印度人會兌現任何承諾……

Finally, Speer can also work to improve and uplift the Pakt from a loose net of Germany』s vassals into an actual, viable organization. This can be done through a unified officers program and, eventually, a united Pakt Military to work for the common good of the entirety of the alliance, a mutual research program to ensure the entirety of the Pakt remains relevant technologically, and a unified industrial plan, with equally united standards.

最後，斯佩爾還可以努力改進和提高團結協定，從一個鬆散的德國諸侯網路，改造為一個實際，可行的組織。這可以通過一個【統一軍官計劃】和【團結協定聯合軍隊】來為協定整體的共同利益而工作；一個共同的研究計劃以確保整個協定在科技上保持聯繫；以及一個統一的工業計劃，具有同樣統一的標準。

Work can also be made to close off the weakest points in the Pakt. Kaukasia can either be excised from the Pakt once and for all or Speer can work with friendly elements in Josias』s government in an attempt to break his stranglehold on the nation.

還可以對協定中最薄弱的部分做些努力。高加索要麼徹底滾出團結協定，或者斯佩爾可以與約西亞斯政府中的友好人士合作，試圖打破他對國家的控制。（關於高加索帝國總督領，詳見https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/39578755）

The English can be approached, and Speer can either treat with the Collaborators or betray them and work directly with the English resistance, offering to welcome the Queen back and withdraw the garrison in return for the English remaining either in the Pakt or neutral, though it』s doubtful that they』d be entirely willing to accept this, it just may avoid an all out war in England.

英國同樣可以著手處理。斯佩爾可以繼續與合作政府進行合作，或者將其背叛，直接與抵抗組織談判，提供給他們迎回女王的機會並撤出駐軍，換取英國留在協定或維持中立。儘管抵抗組織接受與否令人懷疑，反正這麼做可以避免在不列顛爆發全面戰爭。

And of course, the stand can be made against Burgundy, once and for all breaking Himmler and his foul order with the full support of the Pakt.

當然，在團結協定的全力支持下，德國可以做出反對勃艮第的立場，一勞永逸地摧毀希姆萊和他那骯髒的命令。

Finally, there is the America tree. Speer is the only one of the four German leaders with a shot at treating with the American government. Like with the KN, this is very reliant on Germany』s political and economic status, but if enough work is made then Speer and the Americans can eventually declare Detente, and both focus instead on combating the Japanese.

最後，還有美國樹等著我們。斯佩爾是四位德國領導人中唯一一位可以與美國政府進行接觸的人。就如KN外交一樣，這非常依賴於德國的政治和經濟地位，但如果付出足夠多的努力，斯佩爾和美國人最終可以宣布和解，雙方都將把矛頭對準日本。

註：錫罐獨裁者-缺乏政治信譽的專制獨裁者，且將自己妄想的很偉大，來自於殖民時期的英國的諷刺術語，錫罐是維多利亞時期的首創，這是一種廉價的金屬容器，是現代錫罐的先驅。

Part1的鏈接：