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Media"s broad coverage of it had given the country"s citizens a chance to express and dissipate (v. 消散, 消除) their nationalistic anger. By the time the apology was finally reported, passions had run their course and the population was ready for resolution. Western pundits assumed that the bombing would set back U.S.-China relations for years and bolster (v. 支持) conservative factions (保守派) in the Party. They were wrong; what happened was the reverse (n. 相反). Jiang used the crisis to strengthen his leadership and his reform-minded agenda (n. 議程). In its aftermath, the Chinese media unabashedly (adv. 不臉紅的) praised his handling

of the crisis.In mid-June the American side of the story was presented to the Chinese people in a complete and relatively balanced manner. China Central Television"s (CCTV) National News (中央電視台《新聞聯播》), the most widely watched program in China, devoted a significant portion of its broadcast to the issue. The government was now working to defuse (v. 使緩和) the confrontation (n. 對抗), as Jiang had advocated (v. 提倡) from the beginning. "Most Chinese people believe [the bombing] was deliberately (adv. 故意地) planned," said one government foreign policy adviser (n. 顧問). "We needed time to release that kind of emotion."The Chinese people"s response to the tragedy reflected a complex attitude toward America. During the protests at the U.S. embassy, one undergraduate could be heard vociferously (adv. 大聲嚷叫的) berating (v. 嚴厲指責) a reporter about America"s condescending (adj. 屈尊的,顯示出很強的優越感的) belief that its political system should be imposed on every country" in the world. When the reporter asked how long his ranting (n. 激昂的演說) would continue, the young man matter-of-factly(就事論事地,實事求是地) replied that he couldn"t stay around much longer. He had to go home, he explained, to study for his upcoming GRE (Graduate Record Examination 美國研究生入學考試), the entrance exam for American graduate schools.Like many people in the world, Chinese aspire (v. 渴望) to live as Americans do, even as they resent the power that they believe America holds over them. Chinese feelings are reflected (v. 反映, 表現) in the following joke: "Since World War II, why has every country in the world had a revolution except the United States? Because the U.S. is the only country without an American embassy."American insensitivity (n. 感覺遲鈍) and egocentric (adj. 自我中心的) naiveté (n. 天真;幼稚) do not help. James Sasser relates an incident from a 1997 congressional visit to Beijing. After a senior official briefed (v. 先向…簡要介紹) the delegation (代表團) on China"s domestic and international issues, he invited questions. "I just want to know," one member of Congress inquired, "if you"ve accepted Jesus Christ as your personal savior (n. 救世主)." The Chinese official, Sasser recalls, looked stunned.

In 1989 Chinese students had appealed to America for help against their own government. Ten years later they were freely lambasting (v. 嚴責) their leaders for not standing up to America. Back then political freedom had been at stake (危如累卵). This time it was national pride. The demonstrators (示威者) in Tiananmen had been more outward-looking than their leaders; now it was precisely the opposite: Jiang Zemin and his government were more outward-looking than were their nationalistic critics and citizenry. In one short decade, neatly spanning (v. 持續) the tenure (n. 任期) of one man"s power, the country had undergone an astonishing transformation (n. 變化, 轉化).(To be continued~~)
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