美驚嘆為什麼它讓中國領導人緊張？中國的美國困惑！？
When Washington shifted its focus toward terrorism and the Middle East after the September 11 attacks in 2001, Beijing experienced genuine relief. As China"s leaders and strategists came to believe, an America distracted by two wars and a weak economy presented a priceless window of opportunity for China to extend its influence in Asia and beyond. But Beijing realizes that Washington"s strategic attention will eventually turn eastwards, and the death of bin Laden is one small but significant step in hastening the arrival of that day. As one prominent Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) analyst? put it to me recently, the American "spearhead will soon be pointed at Beijing." 當華盛頓在911之後將目光轉向恐怖主義和中東的時候，北京感覺壓力一松。就如中國的領導人和戰略家所相信的那樣，當美國被兩場戰爭和經濟衰弱所分心的時候，這表明一個無價的向亞洲和更遠處施展影響力的機會正向中國敞開，但是北京知道，美國最終會將它的目光轉向東方，本拉登的死亡是一件小事卻對這一天的加速到來是一個具有標誌性的一步。就如中國社科院最近給我的一份傑出的分析一樣，「美國將會很快的把矛頭指向北京」
China"s focus on America is obsessive and omnipresent among its leaders and strategists. In a study of 100 recent articles by leading academics at CASS, comprising the network of official state-backed think-tanks and institutes throughout the country, I found that about four in every five were about the United States -- whether it was seeking to understand the American system and political values, or describing how to limit, circumvent, bind, or otherwise reduce American power and influence. Of these themes, several emerged that help better understand the thinking behind editorials like the one in the? Global Times. 中國的領導人和戰略家對於美國的關注是迷戀的和無所不在的，在中國社科院一百份相關的研究報告中，在全中國的有國家資助的官方的智庫和學院里找了很多有關的文章，我發現大約五分之四的內容都是有關美國——是否尋求去理解美國的系統或者說政策取向，或者說描述怎麼去限制，避免，約束，或相反去減少美國力量和其影響。在這些主題中，有幾個可以幫助去更好的理解全球時報社論背後的想法。
One is that Beijing views international politics in broadly neorealist terms. Chinese strategists believe the distribution of power in the world today will determine tomorrow"s conflicts. China has long seen building competition between itself and America in particular as the inevitable and defining big-picture strategic play. In Beijing"s thinking, tension can be managed, but never resolved, between the established power and the emerging one. Tension is a structural inevitability. 就是說中國的戰略家認為今天全球力量的格局將決定明天的衝突，中國對於美國和自己的競爭有長遠的打算，尤其後者（既美國）是全球里最牛B的一個玩家。在北京的思考中，新興國家和老牌大國之間的張力是可控的，但是卻永遠不會消除，這是結構性的必然。But Chinese experts also view America as a unique superpower that relentlessly seeks not only to build and maintain its power, but also to spread its democratic values. This is of grave concern to the authoritarian Chinese leaders, because they believe that America will have difficulty accepting a greater leadership role for Beijing so long as Communist Party remains exclusively in power. Senator John McCain"s "League of Democracies" might never become a formal reality, but Beijing believes that it already exists, at least in Asia, through democracies such as India, Japan, and South Korea.中國專家認為美國是唯一的超級大國，這個超級大國不僅想維持它的力量，還想四處傳播他的民主價值觀，這點被中國領導人嚴重關切，因為他們相信美國很難接受一黨專政，參議員約翰，麥肯恩的民主聯盟雖然沒有變成現實，但是北京相信這已經存在，至少在亞洲的民主國家中，比如印度，日本還有韓國。Moreover, Beijing fears the American democratic process. While Americans view democracy as an advantage since it can offer United States an institutional and bloodless process for leadership and policy renewal, China views American democracy as a source of irrationality and unpredictability. Many in Beijing, pointing to President George W. Bush"s rapid decisions to go to war in Afghanistan and Iraq after 9/11, believe a new administration might actually increase the chances of uncomfortable shifts in policy that will lead Washington to suddenly focus its competitive and hostile gaze to the east.此外，北京害怕美國的民主程序。美國將民主作為一種優勢因為他可以讓美國在制度的範圍內不流血的交換政權，然而中國將美國式民主視為不合理的和不可預測的。在北京的一些人，指出小布希匆忙的決策讓美國在911之後陷入了阿富汗和伊拉克的戰爭，他們相信一個新的管理實際上可能增加政策不合適轉移的風險，這將使華盛頓突然將充滿敵意和競爭性的眼光凝視向東方。Some of Beijing"s strategists now even argue that the United States has three advantages over China that will help preserve American strategic primacy in Asia.一些北京的戰略家現在甚至為了美國相對於中國在亞洲保持戰略領先的三個優勢而爭吵First, the United States has built an order based not just on American power but also democratic community. It has not escaped Beijing that few countries in East and Southeast Asia fear India"s democratic rise. Whereas India"s ascent is seen as natural, predictable, and welcomed, almost every country in Asia is trying to benefit from China"s economic success while strategically hedging against Chinese military power by moving even closer to the United States. 第一，美國可以號令群雄，還有印度的崛起是廣受歡迎的，但是中國不一樣，在亞洲幾乎所有的國家一邊渴望從中國經濟的成功中獲得利益，一邊又使勁對抗中國軍隊，甚至為了這個目的還去接近美國。(Witness the recent speech by Australian Prime Minister Julia Gillard to Congress in which she reaffirmed the alliance with America as the bedrock of Canberra"s security strategy, or Singapore"s leader Lee Hsien Loong urging America to remain engaged in Asia.)Second, unlike China, America does not have land and territorial disputes with other Asian states. For example, China still claims around 80 percent of the South China Sea as its "historic waters" and is in an ongoing dispute with India over the eastern-most Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh. In this sense, China"s rise is inherently disruptive since a more powerful China is likely to demand a resolution to these issues that is in Beijing"s favor.第二，跟中國不一樣，美國跟亞洲國家沒有領土糾紛，舉個例子，中國宣稱南海百分之八十都是中國的，還有和印度也有領土糾紛，所以說，中國的崛起不可避免的要面臨混亂，中國需要一個決議來解決這些問題。Third, the United States is not a resident power in that it is not geographically in Asia. China now realizes that this simple fact, once seen as a handicap, instead presents America with a unique advantage. To maintain its military bases in the region and thus remain the pre-eminent strategic power in Asia, the United States requires other key states and regional groupings to acquiesce to its security role and relationships. There is broad-based regional approval of U.S. alliances with Australia, Japan, and South Korea, as well as with partners such as India, the Philippines, Singapore, and Thailand. This interdependent relationship means that America is not so powerful that it can easily ignore the wishes of Asian states.第三，從地理上來說美國不是亞洲的地區力量，中國現在意識到了一個很簡單的現實，一旦被視為障礙，那就是美國擁有獨特的優勢。為了維持美國在亞洲地區的軍事基地和戰略力量，美國要求其他關鍵性的國家和地區盟友默許它的安全形色和關係。就是說美國的盟友，澳大利亞，日本，韓國，還有它的夥伴，印度，菲律賓，新加坡，泰國都是他的小弟，但是這些相互依賴的關係讓美國不能太輕易的忽略亞洲國家的意願In contrast, if China were in the dominant strategic position, its pre-eminence would be much harder to challenge or shift. Beijing would not need the same level of regional acquiescence. As a resident power, China would not need the "approval" of other Asian states to maintain its military footholds. As the largest Asian power, it would be easier to dominate regional institutions without an American presence -- yet one more reason why America is trusted to provide the public and security goods in Asian sea lanes while China is not.相反，如果中國一家獨大的話，它的地位很難被挑戰。北京也不需要其他國家的默許。作為一個地區性的大國，中國可以不經其他國家同意就能維持他的軍事力量。作為最大的亞洲力量。如果沒有美國的存在，它可以輕而易舉的控制亞洲，這就是為什麼美國被信任來提供公共和安全貨物在亞洲的海中航線而中國不能。All this is why, instead of taking full advantage of America"s terrorism obsession, Beijing has watched resentfully as the United States has built a hierarchical democratic order in which Asian states willingly aid in preserving American pre-eminence.? In such an order, China remains a strategic loner in Asia, with Myanmar and North Korea as its only true friends.（註：大概意思是說，中國非常不爽美國的孤立政策，在其他國家的同意和配合下，中國成了孤家寡人，唯一的兩個朋友是緬甸和北韓。）China is well aware of its relative vulnerabilities. Rather than lament the irretrievable loss of its better days, America should learn to better appreciate its relative strengths.大概意思是說中國已經充分意識到了這個問題，美國應該學習更好的感謝這種相對強勢，因為這比悔恨錯過而不可彌補的好日子好多了。（啥意思?沒看懂）
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