奧巴馬卸任前為《經濟學人》撰稿，他都說了些什麼？| 評註版

美國大選，戰事正酣。但是，我們如果略過眾多媒體的頭版報道，試著站在奧巴馬總統的視角看待當前美國的政治局勢，想必會有不同感受。再過幾個月，奧巴馬就要移交權杖，離開白宮了。過往的成敗得失，也都將交給歷史評判。

尚未卸任，已經有人為他著書立傳。Derek Chollet 在今年出版的 The Long Game: How Obama Defied Washington and Redefined America』s Role in the World 一書中，毫不掩飾對奧巴馬的讚美之情。他先是否定了批評人士對奧巴馬的負面評價，認為他們過於短視，未能從長遠的角度重新審視奧巴馬的成就。相反，他認為，奧巴馬實則是放長線釣大魚。

但是，如今奧巴馬本人在想些什麼事情？他如何看待美國的未來？又對下一任總統有何期待？要想回答這些問題，我們不妨讀一讀奧巴馬為新一期《經濟學人》撰寫的文章——《未來之路》（The way ahead）。文章難度一般，但內容較長，約三千字，本文只涉及前半部分內容。我將先分析文段框架，讓讀者有一鳥瞰式的了解。而後附上原文，並以評註的方式解讀文章。本文排版格式如下：

左側如有「引用」符號，則表明此處是原文內容；

加粗的文字則是講文章框架；

未有任何特殊標記的地方皆為評註。特此說明，以便讀者閱讀。

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The way ahead

題解：《經濟學人》善於擬定文章標題，有時諷刺、雙關，有時借用典故，花樣迭出。相比於編輯們，奧巴馬的文章名簡單明了。The way ahead ，我譯為「未來之路」，考慮的是要忠實原文。如要追求文采，「前路漫漫」似乎也可以作為備選譯法，但無甚必要。

America』s president writes for us about four crucial areas of unfinished business in economic policy that his successor will have to tackle

此處為編者按。一國領導人為報刊撰文，即使是在當今社會，也是值得報刊媒體誇耀的事情。如果是常規文章，我也會將此處內容稱作「作者按」——也即，為方便讀者閱讀，作者所寫之文章提要。

奧巴馬在位八年，經濟方面還有四個重要領域尚需努力。想到諸葛亮曾言：先帝創業未半而中道崩殂。如將這句古語與編者按比照，竟覺得十分滑稽。

本文共 34 段，第 1-7 段可視為全文的引子。作者首先討論美國當前面臨的問題，並將當下問題與以往問題作比較，指出美國社會有能力應對各類挑戰。從第 4 段開始，奧巴馬指出經濟因素對美國社會負面情緒的影響，但同時也曆數美國在過去 25 年間業已取得的成就，號召民眾重拾信心。

P1 WHEREVER I go these days, at home or abroad, people ask me the same question: what is happening in the American political system? How has a country that has benefited—perhaps more than any other—from immigration, trade and technological innovation suddenly developed a strain of anti-immigrant, anti-innovation protectionism? Why have some on the far left and even more on the far right embraced a crude populism that promises a return to a past that is not possible to restore—and that, for most Americans, never existed at all?

本段第一句話只是引子，寒暄而已。美國總統出行，怎麼可能走到哪裡都被問到「美國政治系統怎麼了」這樣的問題？但要引起別人興趣，適當的誇張無可厚非，將七分的意思用十分的語氣說出來，也很常見。

第二句疑問句需要注意結構，不妨先將之改寫如下：A country (that has benefited—perhaps more than any other—from immigration, trade and technological innovation) has suddenly developed a strain of anti-immigrant, anti-innovation protectionism. 如果看不清主次，不妨先縮寫句子，去掉修飾成分。That 引導的定語從句講的是世界眼裡的美國，主句講的則是當下的美國。如要對比著寫兩件事情，未必要動輒使用 compare 這類實詞，有時合理安排句式，即可起到相似效果。此處作者設問：本是移民國家的美國為何不歡迎他人移民美國？本來鼓勵創新的美國為何越發自我封閉、抑制創新？

第三句看似更為複雜，先將之改為陳述句：Some (on the far left and even more on the far right) have embraced a crude populism (that promises a return to a past that is not possible to restore—and that, for most Americans, never existed at all.) 主句講的是美國極左、極右派人士竟投向民粹主義，後有一個定語從句解釋美式民粹主義，a past 之後又有兩個並列的從句。此處作者又設問：民粹主義者鼓吹回到過去，但是回到過去哪是什麼容易的事情？大多數美國民眾又有什麼「過去」可言？

至此，首段已將美國面臨的國內矛盾展示出來了。

P2 It』s true that a certain anxiety over the forces of globalisation, immigration, technology, even change itself, has taken hold in America. It』s not new, nor is it dissimilar to a discontent spreading throughout the world, often manifested in scepticism towards international institutions, trade agreements and immigration. It can be seen in Britain』s recent vote to leave the European Union and the rise of populist parties around the world.

然而問題的產生，並非一朝一夕，也並非只是存在於美國國內。本段意在說明，諸多西方國家也面臨與美國相似的問題。本段並未急於討論經濟問題。

讀罷首句 It』s true that，敏感的讀者會立刻想到，本句一定只是讓步，而非作者的核心觀點。真正的觀點要到後文才會出現。面對全球化、移民、科技，甚至「變化」本身，美國國內都存在焦慮情緒。世界其他國家和地區也有類似情形，英國脫歐公投便是極好的例子。

此處 discontent 原本是不可數名詞，但我們的思維不能僵化，要知道不可數名詞常常可作為可數名詞使用。Populist parties 或者前文出現的 populism，都是讀者應該注意的政治類名詞。

P3 Much of this discontent is driven by fears that are not fundamentally economic. The anti-immigrant, anti-Mexican, anti-Muslim and anti-refugee sentiment expressed by some Americans today echoes nativist lurches of the past—the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, the Know-Nothings of the mid-1800s, the anti-Asian sentiment in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, and any number of eras in which Americans were told they could restore past glory if they just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. We overcame those fears and we will again.

Much of this discontent 承接上文，起到了連接二、三段的作用。可知，寫文章不一定要死盯「面子上的」邏輯，如連接詞、序數詞等，更要注意內容本身上的承接。此段仍舊不急不忙，繼續討論非經濟層面上的事情。無論是長文還是短文，適當的鋪墊是很必要的。

首句道明社會大眾不滿之根源：恐懼，且不只是對經濟的擔憂。尾句重提 fear，照應開頭。中間部分旨在分析以往的美國社會也會出現排外情緒，但最終都能善納外來移民，克服對人對新思想的恐懼。作者用到了 echo 一詞，可解為今日之事讓人遙想起過往歷史；nativist lurches 是指本土主義傾向。

倒數第二句末後，any number of eras in which Americans were told they could restore past glory if they just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control，一直到本段結束，文章的句子順序並非邏輯上的先後順序，不看前文，如只改寫此部分內容，可改為：In those eras, Americans thought that some group or idea was threatening America under control. But at that time they were told they could restore past glory by accepting some group or idea.

P4 But some of the discontent is rooted in legitimate concerns about long-term economic forces. Decades of declining productivity growth and rising inequality have resulted in slower income growth for low- and middle-income families. Globalisation and automation have weakened the position of workers and their ability to secure a decent wage. Too many potential physicists and engineers spend their careers shifting money around in the financial sector, instead of applying their talents to innovating in the real economy. And the financial crisis of 2008 only seemed to increase the isolation of corporations and elites, who often seem to live by a different set of rules to ordinary citizens.

前面始終不提經濟因素如何導致不滿情緒，終於，第四段開始討論經濟因素。

而後一通列舉，直言美國當前處境。生產力水平下降，社會不平等加劇，中低等收入家庭受累；全球化，自動化，搶了很多美國人的飯碗；有才能的人不把才能用在實體經濟的創新上，反而掉進金融業；2008 年金融危機之後，富者愈富，貧者愈貧。整段話內容頗能概括當前美國面臨的各類問題。

P5 So it』s no wonder that so many are receptive to the argument that the game is rigged. But amid this understandable frustration, much of it fanned by politicians who would actually make the problem worse rather than better, it is important to remember that capitalism has been the greatest driver of prosperity and opportunity the world has ever known.

既然出現問題，就會有人懷疑當前社會運行的規則。但奧巴馬相信，資本主義本身是沒有問題的，它帶來繁榮和機遇。可以猜測，下文會講美國社會取得的成就，以之為佐證。

首句 the game is rigged 說的是，不滿的民眾覺得當前的社會被利益集團操控了。作者雖然理解這種情緒，但也指出政治人物不該煽風點火，煽動民眾的負面情緒。Politicians would actually make the problem worse rather than better，我將這句話專門抽出來看，是因為當前西方社會的確有不少人懷疑民主政治的前途，更加擔心現今的政客精英能否管理好自己的國家。

P6 Over the past 25 years, the proportion of people living in extreme poverty has fallen from nearly 40% to under 10%. Last year, American households enjoyed the largest income gains on record and the poverty rate fell faster than at any point since the 1960s. Wages have risen faster in real terms during this business cycle than in any since the 1970s. These gains would have been impossible without the globalisation and technological transformation that drives some of the anxiety behind our current political debate.

有人擔心資本主義走向末路，那麼作者就在本段言明資本主義給美國社會帶來的種種成就。本段內容清晰明了，很好理解。最後一句用了雙重否定，These gains would have been impossible without...值得一學。

P7 This is the paradox that defines our world today. The world is more prosperous than ever before and yet our societies are marked by uncertainty and unease. So we have a choice—retreat into old, closed-off economies or press forward, acknowledging the inequality that can come with globalization while committing ourselves to making the global economy work better for all people, not just those at the top.

第七段可以說是對上文內容的總結：美國社會所擔憂的資本主義、全球化等，恰恰正是美國發展起來的推動力量。這很矛盾，但也是當今世界面臨的現實。

Define 在這裡可以理解為 characterize，當今世界的特點就是存在此類矛盾。面臨矛盾，我們該怎麼辦？是一味緬懷故事，美化過往，還是勇敢面對，迎接未來？這種行文方法，有些像大人鼓勵尚未走入世界的孩童。可以看出，鼓勵他人的方法，是那麼驚人的相似。

A force for good

使用小標題是《經濟學人》的風格。不過，很多時候小標題並不是下文意思的總結，更像是文字遊戲。但本文的小標題確實起到了總領下文的作用。此處的 force 是指，追逐利潤是商業發展和社會發展的「動力」。

在第 8 段，作者指出商業原本能促進社會繁榮，但如果走到了極端，任憑市場發揮力量，就會出現嚴重問題。最終，受到傷害的是平民百姓。第 9 段進一步指出，如果社會財富為少數人擁有，普通民眾不能受益於社會發展，民眾就會覺得整個社會愈加不公正。

第 10-12 段，奧巴馬承認前路漫漫，改良美國社會還需要下一屆政府的努力。最後提出，改變現狀不意味著推倒一切重來，美國更應面對四大結構性挑戰：提高生產力，應對日益加劇的不公平問題，保證就業，以及構建能夠為未來發展做準備的彈性經濟。

P8 The profit motive can be a powerful force for the common good, driving businesses to create products that consumers rave about or motivating banks to lend to growing businesses. But, by itself, this will not lead to broadly shared prosperity and growth. Economists have long recognised that markets, left to their own devices, can fail. This can happen through the tendency towards monopoly and rent-seeking that this newspaper has documented, the failure of businesses to take into account the impact of their decisions on others through pollution, the ways in which disparities of information can leave consumers vulnerable to dangerous products or overly expensive health insurance.

讀到 The profit motive can be a powerful force 這種開頭，我們會像讀到 It』s true that 一樣，立刻猜到下文會從這一句的對立面展開議論。誠然，追逐利潤是好事，緊接著作者話鋒一轉，指明其中的問題。轉折之後的插入語 by itself 看似常見，但讓一個中國人來寫英文，未必人人會用。類似的插入語或者看上去不起眼的表達，都是英語學習者應該注意的地方。

如果任憑市場發揮作用，就有可能造成各種問題。作者提到了壟斷（monopoly）和尋租行為（rent-seeking），也提到了商業活動對普通民眾的影響。文中的 this newspaper 指的就是《經濟學人》。有個細節值得一提，本文的單詞是英式拼法，很多地方也都有《經濟學人》的影子。我們不妨猜測一下，這篇文章應非奧巴馬親手所寫，大概是智囊團（與編輯部）合作寫出來的，只是署名奧巴馬而已。

P9 More fundamentally, a capitalism shaped by the few and unaccountable to the many is a threat to all. Economies are more successful when we close the gap between rich and poor and growth is broadly based. A world in which 1% of humanity controls as much wealth as the other 99% will never be stable. Gaps between rich and poor are not new but just as the child in a slum can see the skyscraper nearby, technology allows anyone with a smartphone to see how the most privileged live. Expectations rise faster than governments can deliver and a pervasive sense of injustice undermines peoples』 faith in the system. Without trust, capitalism and markets cannot continue to deliver the gains they have delivered in the past centuries.

本段內容並不新鮮，前三句正話反說、反話正說，都意在說明財富分配不均會造成社會問題。不過，本段中間兩句話很有意思，作者說智能手機讓普通人看得到特權階級是如何生活的，這就會讓民眾更加感受到社會正義的缺失，也就讓更多人失去了對現有體制的信任。科技能否幫助民眾尋求社會正義？這也是個不錯的話題。

P10 This paradox of progress and peril has been decades in the making. While I am proud of what my administration has accomplished these past eight years, I have always acknowledged that the work of perfecting our union would take far longer. The presidency is a relay race, requiring each of us to do our part to bring the country closer to its highest aspirations. So where does my successor go from here?

首句 progress and peril 是常見的頭韻（alliteration），我們平日寫作文或創作時也可自己拼湊，但不要過於刻意，否則就東施效顰了。第二句話說得十分巧妙。身為總統，奧巴馬不可能不誇讚自己，不可能不肯定已有成績，但是又要注意分寸，不能讓人覺得驕傲自大。先以 While 起句，看似是七分謙虛，但也含有三分的炫耀。

The presidency is a relay race 實在很接地氣。擔任總統就是一場接力賽，此話一出，讓人覺得奧巴馬與下一位總統是親密的隊友。然後尾句再說他對後來者有什麼建議，也就不顯得那麼居高臨下了。

P11 Further progress requires recognising that America』s economy is an enormously complicated mechanism. As appealing as some more radical reforms can sound in the abstract—breaking up all the biggest banks or erecting prohibitively steep tariffs on imports—the economy is not an abstraction. It cannot simply be redesigned wholesale and put back together again without real consequences for real people.

終於談到「如何做」了。在談真正該如何做之前，先指出哪些不當的做法是要摒棄的。第二句看上去複雜，但可以改寫成 Some more radical reforms can sound very appealing in the abstract, such as breaking up all the biggest banks or erecting prohibitively steep tariffs on imports, but these reforms cannot work. Similarly, the economy is not an abstraction, either. 改寫後，會更好理解。如今通訊發達了，鍵盤俠也多了，這段話批評了那些空有不切實際理念的人。

P12 Instead, fully restoring faith in an economy where hardworking Americans can get ahead requires addressing four major structural challenges: boosting productivity growth, combating rising inequality, ensuring that everyone who wants a job can get one and building a resilient economy that』s primed for future growth.

解決問題需要合適的方式，第 12 段列舉了下屆政府應著手應對的四大結構性挑戰。本段的動詞值得注意。A resilient economy that』s primed for future growth，可譯為構建能夠為未來發展做準備的彈性經濟。

Restoring economic dynamism

前面提到，美國更應面對四大結構性挑戰：提高生產力，應對日益加劇的不公平問題，保證就業，以及構建能夠為未來發展做準備的彈性經濟。Restoring economic dynamism 小標題統領前三部分（第 13-25段）的內容。由於微信篇幅所限，本篇推送只講到第 16 段。第 13-16 段，關注的是如何提高生產力。

P13 First, in recent years, we have seen incredible technological advances through the internet, mobile broadband and devices, artificial intelligence, robotics, advanced materials, improvements in energy efficiency and personalised medicine. But while these innovations have changed lives, they have not yet substantially boosted measured productivity growth. Over the past decade, America has enjoyed the fastest productivity growth in the G7, but it has slowed across nearly all advanced economies (see chart 1). Without a faster-growing economy, we will not be able to generate the wage gains people want, regardless of how we divide up the pie.

首句的列舉不難理解，都是近些年來在各領域取得的進步。但真相卻是，這些創新並未大幅提高生產力。中間的轉折 but it has slowed 中的 it 指代的是 productivity growth，前半句與後半句是不一樣的主語，需要注意。奧巴馬指出，只有提高經濟發展速度，把蛋糕（雖然原文用的是 pie）做大，普通民眾才有可能拿到稱心如意的薪酬。

P14 A major source of the recent productivity slowdown has been a shortfall of public and private investment caused, in part, by a hangover from the financial crisis. But it has also been caused by self-imposed constraints: an anti-tax ideology that rejects virtually all sources of new public funding; a fixation on deficits at the expense of the deferred maintenance bills we are passing to our children, particularly for infrastructure; and a political system so partisan that previously bipartisan ideas like bridge and airport upgrades are nonstarters.

本段從投資匱乏的角度，分析美國該如何提高生產力。文中的 hangover 原意是「宿醉」，我們很容易想到以此為名的電影。此處 a hangover from the financial crisis，是說金融危機的「餘波」導致投資不足。

除此之外，美國社會自身也導致了投資不足。奧巴馬提到，美國民眾聽到稅收就避之不及；a fixation on deficits 指的是政府過於把精力放在財政赤字上面了，其代價就是缺乏投資，無法維護現有的基礎設施；兩黨不合，爭鬥不斷，也使得美國政府無法開始需由兩黨支持的項目。此處 partisan 是貶義詞，bipartisan 則是中性詞；nonstarter 是非正式表達，意為「毫無成功可能的事情」，如果放在譯文里，「天方夜譚」是不錯的選擇。

P15 We could also help private investment and innovation with business-tax reform that lowers statutory rates and closes loopholes, and with public investments in basic research and development. Policies focused on education are critical both for increasing economic growth and for ensuring that it is shared broadly. These include everything from boosting funding for early childhood education to improving high schools, making college more affordable and expanding high-quality job training.

本段從政府政策角度，說明美國該如何提高生產力。降低稅率；同時防止不良商人鑽法律的空子；增加對基礎研發（R&D）的公共投資。教育這一塊尤為重要，從幼兒教育到高等教育到工作培訓，都應加大投資力度。

P16 Lifting productivity and wages also depends on creating a global race to the top in rules for trade. While some communities have suffered from foreign competition, trade has helped our economy much more than it has hurt. Exports helped lead us out of the recession. American firms that export pay their workers up to 18% more on average than companies that do not, according to a report by my Council of Economic Advisers. So, I will keep pushing for Congress to pass the Trans-Pacific Partnership and to conclude a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the EU. These agreements, and stepped-up trade enforcement, will level the playing field for workers and businesses alike.

最後一段，留給讀者閱讀。感興趣的同學，可以先分析本段框架，再挑出不錯的表達，在文末留言。

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課程推廣：高翻考研2018全年課程正式發布

關於作者 | 胡學長，誤入培訓業的文學愛好者，上外英語學院文學學士，上外高翻學院翻譯碩士。

公眾號 | 高翻考研 (ID: MTI_China)

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