【翻譯】薩珊波斯：崛起與隕落——第四章：語言(上)

本文來源於2009年出版的Touraj Daryaee的著作《Sasanian Persia：The Rise and Fall of an Empire》

該文翻譯是由loyola於兩年前（甚至更久）組織的長期接力翻譯活動，旨在推廣薩珊帝國歷史（以及百度貼吧薩珊王朝吧，雖然我不確定裸哥現在還在不在貼吧玩了）。因為時間較長，參與人員較多（裸哥跟我說他已經不記得到底有哪些人參與了），所以我只能在參與人員中列出記得的人（希望有參與的人跟我說一下.......）。同時也因為上述原因和人手短缺問題，所以本文在翻譯上肯定存在著前後譯名不統一，錯譯、漏譯等等問題.......因此特將原文附上，以便各位遇到問題時及時拿原文作比較（有一些字詞無法正常粘貼，大家可以去我的資料貼以sasaiand為關鍵詞搜索下載原文）。

第四章翻譯者： 蘭斯洛特

大佬校對： @Loyola

PS：因為是兩年前翻譯的，當時比較稚嫩（現在也是），所以有問題一定要第一時間指出來啊！

PSS：這是整個第四章，我把之前那篇曾存的文明刪了。

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LANGUAGE 語言

Persians were always willing to ues the languages of other people in order to further

their cause in state building and

effective administration.

波斯人一向不介意利用其它民族的語言來加強行政效率和國家建設

This is clear from the Achaemenid period from the sixth BCE when,while Old Persian

was the language of the ruling elite and the king,Elamite was used for

communication throughout the empire.

從西元前六世紀的阿契美尼德帝國（Achaemenid）時，統治階層與國王以古波斯語（Old Persian）交流，但民間的經濟事務以埃蘭語（Elamite）處理，而阿拉姆語（Aramaic）則是通用於整個帝國的官方語言。

Even then, the imperial inscriptions were given in three versions: Old Persian, Elamite

and Babylonian, the languges of the inhabitants of the immediate region with

whom the Persians had been in contact since their arrival on the plateau.

甚至從那時起，帝國的銘文便用三種語言書寫：古波斯語，埃蘭語和巴比倫語（Babylonian,），這些語言都是波斯人來到伊朗高原並統治這一地區時，當地民族所使用的語言。

With the conquest of Alexander the Great.Greek replaced Aramaic as the imperial

language and it was only in the second half of the Parthian period from the

first century CE onwards that Parthian also came to be inscribed on coins and

inscriptions along with their Greek version.

亞歷山大大帝征服波斯後，希臘語取代阿拉姆語（Aramaic）成為官方語言，直到帕提亞後半期——也就是西元一世紀後，帕提亞語才開始被銘刻在硬幣上，但碑文卻依舊只用希臘語。

This multilingual view of the empire was not lost to the sasanians either and we see

that the early Sasanian royal inscriptions provide bilingual or trilingual

testimonies,remingding us of the Achaemenid inscriptions.

直到薩珊帝國時期，帝國依舊是多語言的。我們可以看到早期薩珊的皇家銘文是雙語或者三語的，這使我我們不由得想起阿契美尼德時期的銘文。

However,now the dominant language along Middle Persian was the language of the preceding dynasty,i.e,Parthian and Greek.Greek had remained the language of science and

knowledge from India to the Mediterranean basin for centuries. Ardax??ˉr I

and his son ?aˉbuhr I both used this trilingual

mode of writing,as the Achaemenids had done with other languages.

然而直到中古波斯時期，佔優勢地位的語言仍是前朝的官方語言，比如希臘語和帕提亞語。數個世紀以來，從印度到地中海盆地，希臘語作為科學與知識用語而流行。阿爾達希爾一世（Ardax??ˉr I）與他的兒子沙普爾一世（?aˉbuhr I）都會用三種語言來書寫，一如阿契美尼德諸王——雖然會的語言可能不同。

Middle Persian was becoming the dominant language at the heart of the empire which

give us certain insights into the linguistic and cultural preoccupation of the

Sasanians.

中古波斯語（Middle Persian）成為帝國心臟地帶的主要語言的過程得以讓我們能夠一窺薩珊在語言和文化方面的考量。

One can also see that the religious apparatus（Zoroastrian church and priests）from its first literary evidence was anti-Hellenic and had nativist tendencies.

我們也能從宗教機構（祆教教會和祭司）最古老的文獻上看到明顯的反希臘與本土保護傾向。

Kerdir only had his inscription carved in Middle Persian in the third century CE which

may be an indication of the change in not only linguistic taste，but a purposeful reaction to

foreign languages and ideas.

三世紀時，科爾迪的銘文只用中古波斯語可能不止因為他對某種語言偏好，這可能是針對外語與舶來觀念有意為之的。

If we discard the notion that because of the ecomony of space Kerdir did not choose

to have his inscription in other languages,then we can gain some ideas about

the religious and imperial policies in relation to language and culture.

如果我們忽略科爾迪這一舉動是認為再加上其他語言的版本是浪費空間的考慮，那麼我們就能瞭解一些有關於文化和語言宗教和帝國政策的理念內核。

Middle Persian was perhaps the language used by the Persian Zoroastrians,and Kerdir

did not need to communicate in any other language.

中古波斯語常為波斯裔祆教教徒使用，因此科爾迪並不需要用其他語言去和他們交流。

The king of kings,however,had to convey his message to all of his people,count,or

the Greek prisoners and colonists of old who were phihellen.

然而萬王之王需要將他的意志傳達給給他治下所有的民眾，廷臣，希臘俘虜和親希臘（phihellen）的老殖民地居民。

At the time of Narseh in the beginning of the fourth century,Greek was no longer

utilized for imperial inscriptions which indicates a waning of Greek culture

and/or a successful anti-Hellenic campaign by the Zoroastrian priests and the

state.

四世紀初Narseh執政時期，希臘語不再被用於皇家銘文上，這暗示希臘文化在帝國內的衰弱與瑣羅亞斯德祭司和政府的反希臘文化運動的勝利。

We should remind ourselves that Greek was also the common language of the Persian

nemesis to the West,namely the Eastern Roman empire.With this scheme in mind we

can create a chart in term of the languages used by the priesthood and the

imperial court in the third and early fourth centuries[see Table 4.1]

我們需要知道，希臘語是波斯西部宿敵——東羅馬帝國的通用語言。我們可以根據我們已知的情況設計一張表，列出三世紀和四世紀早期祭司和帝國宮廷使用語言的情況。

Our discussion,however,has focused on the imperial languages and the center of Persian civilization which gives us a false picture of the linguistic diversity in the Sasanian Empire.

然而，如果我們繼續重點關注帝國的官方語言與波斯文明的中心，我們將會對薩珊帝國的語言多樣性情況產生誤解。

While those who were familiar with Greek or were Greek themselves were present in the

empire during the Parthian period, Mesopotamia was dominated by Semitic speaking people,and the Persians were only a minority. These Semitic speakers included the Jews who wrote the Babylonian Talmud,and the Syriac Speaking poplution and people who spoke various Aramaic dialects.

雖然帕提亞時期，通曉希臘文化的群體或希臘人存在感越來越強，但美索不達米亞佔主導的仍是說閃米特語的族群，波斯人比起他們也不過是一個小群體。這些說閃族語的族群包括寫下了巴比倫塔木德(Babylonian Talmud)的猶太人、以及說敘利亞語的和操著各種阿拉姆語方言的族群。

Arabs resided in southern Mesopotamia,and Arabic was then known in the empire from

the third century,when Ardashir I had conquered northern Arabia.

三世紀阿爾達希爾一世征服阿拉伯半島北部後，一些阿拉伯人便定居在美索不達米亞南部，而阿拉伯語（Arabic）也傳入帝國。

In the northwest,Armenian and Georgian were dominant,but since the Parthian nobility had taken reguge in Armenia,the Parthian language became even more influential and the basic vocabulary for institutions,such as religious and administrative terms entered the Caucuses.

在西北方，亞美尼亞語（Armenian）和喬治亞語（Georgian）一度佔主流地位，但自從帕提亞貴族逃亡亞美尼亞避難後，帕提亞語在此的影響變得更強了，一些帕提亞語中的宗教術語或者行政術語正式進入高加索地區。

In persis,Persian had been dominant since the Achaemenid period and was probably prevalent in Media and the adjoining regions.There were,however,dialectal differences of which,unfortunately,we have very little evidence,and what evidence there is,is from the early Islamic period.

從阿契美尼德時期波斯語在波西斯（persis）就佔了主流地位，而且其可能還在米底（Media）及其鄰近地區被廣泛使用。關於這地區的方言差距的證據很少而且只有早期伊斯蘭時期才有。

Still,one may hazard a hypothetical picture by drawing on the situation in the early

Islamic period.One is reminded of the language known as （fahlaviyat）and the language of Baba Taher in his poetic masterpiece to understand the complexity of linguistic diversity on the Iranian plateau.

儘管如此，人們可以大膽利用早期伊斯蘭的情況假設出一個畫面。；我們可以通過被稱為fahlaviyat的語言和Baba Taher在他的千古佳句中使用的語言來瞭解伊朗高原的複雜的語言多樣性

In Aburbadagan/Azerbijan,Azari was spoken and one of its dialects,Tati,is well attested and again in the Islamic period there are specimens of Azerbijan where Turkic is the language of the state and most people,there are villages and towns such as Siyahzan,north of Baku which has a sizable Tati speaking population.

在亞塞拜然（Azerbijan），Azari與他的一種衍生方言Tati十分流行。在伊斯蘭時期亞塞拜然的政府用語和絕大部分人民都使用土耳其語，但有證據顯示在北巴庫（Baku）Siyahzan地區和很多鄉村和市鎮說Tati語的人群並不少。

In the Caspian region of Gelen and Mazandaran,again there were distinct language and

dialects which is evidenced by the early Islamic attestation and was much more isolated because the mountainous region separated it from the rest of the Iranian plateau.

早期伊斯蘭的一些證據證明了裡海附近的Gelen和Mazandaran擁有著獨特的語言和方言，這可能是因為當地的山脈將這一地區和伊朗高原其他地區隔離所造成的。

In Xuzestan,Neo-Elamite[not to be confused with the period]or the language of the Elamiyas was in existence in the Sasanian period.Even in Shiraz,the heartland of the Sasanians and Persians,we find variant dialects which,although essentially Persian,still present problem.

在薩珊帝國時期，新埃蘭語（Neo-Elamite，請不要與那個時期搞混）或者說Elamiyas的語言便存在於胡澤斯坦Xuzestan。甚至在薩珊帝國和波斯人的心臟地帶設拉子Shiraz，我們都能發現不同的方言——即使他們本質上都是波斯語——這足以讓我們產生一些疑問。

In the east we are better informed where Parthian,Sogdian ,Bactrian and Xwarazmian

were in use by these Iranian speaking http://people.In the southeast,the Sistani language was known to have been dominant,and a recent find of the translation of the Our』an into the sistani dialect[known as Qur』an-e Qued]gives us a clue to the language of southeast Persia.

在東方，我們更瞭解帕提亞人，粟特人（Sogdian），巴克特裡亞人（Bactrian）和呼羅珊人(Xwarazmian)這些使用伊朗語的族群。在東南方，錫斯坦語佔主導地位，最近以Our』an寫成的著作轉譯為為錫斯坦方言版（我們稱為Qur』an-e Qued）的發現為我們瞭解波斯東南部的語言情況提供了進一步的説明。

But these are the only languages of which we have some information and there were

more dialects and languages which have been lost to us.The nomadic people and their languages are more diffucult to gauge,but certainly the Kurds had been present on the plateau,and Kurdish,with its various dialect varuabces,existed,perhaps along with Luri and few others which have been lost.

但我們也僅僅只知道這幾種語言的資訊，還有很多其他的語言和方言我們一無所知。遊牧民和他們的語言十分難以分辨，但可以肯定的是，當時庫爾德人（Kurds）和他們的語言以及衍生出的各種方言也許和Luri及其他失傳的方言在伊朗高原上存在了。

To make matters more complicated,we should remember that with the capture of Roman soldiers and their relocation along with the Syriac-speaking population of Syria into the Iranian plateau,some Latin,Greek and Syriac was used,especially in the royal cities where masses of Roman soldiers were employed to work as engineers,builders,craftsmen,and on imperial farm as laborers.

如果我們記得被俘虜的羅馬士兵與被掠奪進伊朗高原進行再安置的說敘利亞語人群那麼這個問題就要更複雜了，更不用說在羅馬士兵工作的皇家城市（Royal city）中拉丁語、希臘語和敘利亞語被頻繁使用——他們在此充當工程師，建築工人，手藝工，有些還在皇家農場當勞力。

We should not lose sight of the fact that the Goths and other Germans,along with

some Slavic-speaking people who had enlisted in the Roman army and were captured,were also placed in Sasanian Persia.So in a sense,one can state that since there were Germans,Germanic languages were being spoken in Persia by the third century CE.By the fifth century CE,when the Turkic tribes began entering the empire,be it through raiding or by being used as a military force by the state,Turkic languages also must have been known,especially in the northeastern region.

我們不應該忘記那些曾在羅馬軍隊裡效命現在被俘虜也被安置在薩珊波斯的哥特人，日爾曼人和說斯拉夫語的人。在某種程度上我們也可以說自三世紀起波斯境內也存在日爾曼人，其語言也在被使用。五世紀突厥部落開始進入帝國——要麼是入境打秋風，要麼是作為一支軍事力量為帝國效命——因此突厥語也一定在此處存在的，尤其是在東北地區。

The Sasanians had to establish a certain structure to connect the various provinces

linguistically,so there would be a common mode of communication.This must have been done through the establishment of Persian and non-Persian speaking administrators and natives who were bilingual in order to be able to deal with imperial orders and the local administration.

薩珊帝國必須要通過建立某種體系使得語言互不相同的各省能相互交流，也就是說一定存在著一種通用的交流模式。想要達到這一目的，那麼就要求波斯行政人員、非波斯行政人員和地方百姓通熟兩種語言以使帝國政令通達，地方行政流暢。

While the princes of the blood,the （wisphuragan）ruled the different regions,a

local administration of scribes,priests,and other were in existence as evidenced by the fourth century inscription of Shabuhr Sakan-Shah,the King of sistan.

皇族統治不同的地區，而當地的抄寫員與祭司等人員則負責地方行政，這點在四世紀錫斯坦之王Shabuhr Sakan-Shah的銘文中被證明了。

Otherwies,insuch lands as Armenia,Zoroastrian priests and tax-collectors were sent to

administer the province.A system of standardization of weights and measures was created and the silver（drahms） indicated Middle Persian as the dominant language of the empire.

還有一些像亞美尼亞的地區，祆教祭司與稅吏負責管理地方行政。他們建立了一個標準統一的度量衡體系，其中包含的銀（drahms）這個名詞，無疑暗示中世紀波斯語是帝國的官方語言。

The relative standardization and the beginning of a process of homogeneity by the Sasanians also was the beginning of the influence of Persian language in the whole empire.

薩珊推行度量衡統一與同質化進程的開始也是波斯語影響整個帝國的起點。

Now we will turn to the Middle Persian language which was to become the dominant mode

of imperial communication and much of the religious corpus of Manichaeans,Christians,Jews,and,of course,the Zoroastrians.

現在我們要將注意力轉到成為帝國溝通主要用語，同時也是摩尼教（Manichaeans），基督教，猶太教以及祆教的宗教文本中主要的使用語言——中古波斯語。

Middle Persian or Pahlavi refers to the stage of Persian language which was in

existence between the Old Persian（550-330BCE）and Classical Persian（1000CE）periods.This division,though,is to a large extent arbitrary and used by scholars as a nice

way of demarcating the different stages of the Persian language.

中古波斯語或者說巴列維語（Pahlavi）存在於古波斯語（550-330BCE）到古典波斯語之間1000CE）。這種分法雖然比較隨意，但很好的讓學者劃分波斯語的不同階段。

This language was probably current from the first century to the tenth centuries

CE,although by the late Acheamenid period one can already see that the Old Persian inscriptions were hinting at the transition to Middle Persian.

中古波斯語在一世紀到十世紀十分流行，從晚期阿契美尼德王朝的古波斯語銘文中我們也能看到向中古波斯語轉變的跡象。

In the eleventh century CE,priests wrote in Middle Persian while Persian and Arabic

had become current。Hence,the language of texts that were written in this language is known as Middle Persian.

在11世紀，阿拉伯語和波斯語流行開來時祭師用中世紀波斯語書寫文本。因此，這種書面語言被稱為中古波斯語。

This historical division of Persian is similar to the tripartite divison of the English language into Old,Middle and Modern http://English.In comparison with English,however,Persian demonstrates that it is very conservative in nature and in its development.

這樣劃分波斯語的時期很像把英語分成古英語，中古英語和現代英語的劃法。但與英語相比較，波斯語本質上的變化和其發展上顯得十分保守。

Persian,which is an Indo-European language,is part of the Iranian language whose cloest kin

are Indic http://language.In fact there are only minor differences in phonology and grammatical endings between Old Persian,which was used for Acheamenid Royal inscriptions（550-330BC）,and Classical Sanskrit.

波斯語隸屬於印歐語系，是和印度語關係親密的伊朗語的一部分。事實除了在音素學和詞尾方面的細微差距，常被用於阿契美尼德皇家銘文的古波斯語與古典梵語（Sanskrit）差異不大。

Any student of first year Sanskrit or Old Persian realizes this fact.For example

the Old Persian verb（to seize,）[grab-] is equivalent to Sanskrit [grabh-]and English[grab.]Another example would be the word for （door,）[duvara-] which corresponds to Sanskrit [dvar-],English （door,）Old Persian word for （name）is [naman-,] Sanskrit

[naman-,]English[name,]Old Persian word for （father）[pitar-], Sanskrit [pitar-]（這裡字母有符號）,Latin[pater],Gothic[fadar],English[father.]

這是任何一個學習梵語和古波斯語一年便能知道的事實。舉個例子：古波斯語表示（抓取）的動詞帶有（grab-），梵語是（granh-）而英語是（grab）。另一個例子我們舉得例子是（door），古波斯語的[duvara-]對應的就是梵語中的（dvar-），英語是（door）。古波斯語中名字用（naman-）表示，梵語用（naman-）英語用（name）。古波斯語中父親用[pitar-]表示，梵語用[pitár-]表示，拉丁語用（pater），哥特語用（fadar），英語用（father）

These examples demonstrate the connections between Persian and other Indo-European

http://language.In terms of the development of the Persian language,we can again use some of the same words in their development during the three stages.

這些例子都表明了波斯語與其他印歐語系語言的聯繫，從波斯語的發展的方面而言，我們有時可以在語言發展的不同階段內用相同的詞表達一樣的意思。

比如「門」，古波斯語duvara->中古波斯語dar>波斯語dar；「名字」, naˉman- >中古波斯語naˉm>波斯語naˉm；「父親」古波斯語pitar->中古波斯語pidar>波斯語pidar。

MIDDLE

PERSIAN INSCRIPTIONS

中古波斯語銘文

Middle Persian literature includes inscriptions and texts thich survive from the third to the tenth century CE.Pazand texts which are written with the Avestan script,[Zabur]texts which are the Psalms[Hebrew mizmor]written by the Christians,and the Manichaean texts from the late antiquity are also among them.

中古波斯文獻包括從3到10世紀保留下來的銘文與文本。用Avestan字母書寫的Pazand文本，基督徒寫的希伯來讚美詩（Hebrew mizmor）zabur，晚期古典遺留下來的摩尼教文本都屬於此類。

The Middle Persian inscriptions are mainly from the third and the fourth century CE which were commissioned by the kings and by 科爾迪.They are formulaic in structure and their compositions resemble Acheamnid inscriptions.

中古波斯的銘文大部分集中在三世紀到四世紀期間，這些銘文大部分是眾王和科爾迪下令建造的。這些銘文在行文的結構和組成部分上和阿契美尼德時期的銘文十分相似。

Some have suggested that this was part of the oral literary tradition which was prevalent in ancient Persia and used by the writers of the inscriptions and texts.Others have even gone further to state that these inscriptions are replete in historical data and rather are stories which were inscribed to legitimize the kings through the use of the traditional epic framework of ancient Near East.

一些證據表明銘文的行文結構是曾在古波斯地區十分流行的口述文學傳統的一部分，這種文學傳統也常被銘文和文本的作者使用。還有一些更為大膽的推測，認為這些充斥著史料的銘文有意通過使用古代近東的傳統史詩的框架講述故事將諸王的形象合法化。

The later Sasanian inscriptions[post fourth century]are rarely royal,are shouter,and are commissioned by individuals or local lords for remembrance,building campaighs,and funerary dedications which are much shorter.

晚期薩珊的銘文（四世紀後）很少為皇家所建，一般由個人或者地方領主為了紀念興修、戰役或是隨葬而造，其文本幅度較之前更為短小。

The script used for the inscription represents the archaic version of the Aramaic script which may be a continuation of tradition which was first developed by the Achaemenids for their royal chancery.

古老的阿姆拉字母依舊被用於銘文被視為是傳統的延續，而這個傳統第一次出現是阿契美尼德朝修建他們的皇家紀事碑（royal chancery）。

The characters are written separately from right to left,while the later inscription are almost「Arabisque-like」and the letters are joined,and much more cursive which is similar to the Book Pahlavi or Middle Persian texts which were written in the late Sasanian and post-Sasanian period.

這個文體的特徵是從右到左一個字母一個字母分開寫，但晚期的銘文基本上是類阿拉伯風格的時候，字母也開始像草書體一樣連寫，這和晚期薩珊及後薩珊時期的巴列維文本（Book

Pahlavi）或者中世紀波斯文本的書寫風格更接近。

The content of the early inscriptions are boastful and the structure is such that

first the king makes sure that it is known that he is a Zoroastrian[mazdesn=worshipper of Mazda],then his genealogy is given;and next are the territories under his rule.

早期的銘文內容大多是用來自我誇耀的，其行文結構基本上就是：首先國王聲明他是一名祆教徒，接著寫下他的譜系和統治的疆土。

Then a narrative story appear as in the case of Shabuhr』s Naqsh-I Rustam

inscription,in which there is told as a result of Roman aggression.By the

middle of the inscription,we find the boastful nature of the king and his epic

actions:「We searched out for conquest many other lands,and we acquired fame for heroism

which we have not engraved here,except for the preceding. We ordered it written

so that whoever comes after us may know this fame,heroism and power of us.」

接下來就是故事了，我們以沙普爾的Naqsh-I Rustam銘文為例，在這則銘文中我們得知了羅馬入侵的結果。這則銘文的中間部分，我們又看到了國王的自誇和他敘事的動機：「我們渴求開疆擴土，除了繼續前進，不然我們獲得的英雄的名譽終將被遺忘。我們將此銘記下來，以望追隨我們的後人不忘吾等的神威，壯舉與盛名。」

This seeking of heroism is also apparent from a short inscription of Shabuhr at

Hajjiabad as well,where he tells us that he has shot an arrow which has gone

very far:「[Now]whoever may be strng of arm,let them put[their]foot in this cleft[on the rock]and let them shoot an arrow to [wards]that cairn[on this rock].Then whoever

cast[send]an arrow[as far as]to that cairn,they are[indeed]strong of arm.」

這種希望建立豐功偉績的想法也出現在了沙普爾在Hajjabad的短銘文，在銘文中，他告訴我們，他在哪射出一支飛了很遠的箭：「現在讓那些臂膀強壯的人站在這塊岩石的裂縫兩邊上，讓他射向石碑，射到石碑的人才是真正孔武有力的人。」

Then Shabuhr turns his attention to religion and the establishment of fire-temples

for the souls of the members of his family,sacrifices are made,and the priests

were made content.The rest of Shabuhr』s inscription is an exposition of the

offices that were in existence during the rule of his grandfather and

father.This is followed by an end formula which recounts his zeal towards the

gods,and again mentioning his bravery and wishing those who come after him to

know about him and follow in his footstep.

接著沙普爾話鋒一轉談起了宗教和建立與供奉聖火殿，以求保佑皇族靈魂，祭司們將此事做碑銘記。沙普爾銘文剩餘的部分基本上都是他父親與祖父執政時期的公職人員的名字。這些宣傳最後都以沙普爾讚美神的話語以及再一次提及他的無畏與渴求其追隨者瞭解他並跟隨其腳步。

He also has several shorter inscription at Naqsh-I Rajah[SNRb],at Hajjiabad,and at

Beshabuhr which really is the most productive period of inscription.

他在Naqsh-I Rajah[SNRb]，Hajjiabad和Beshabuhr也有幾個更短的銘文，這些銘文都是在銘文最高產的時期雕刻的。

The other long inscription is that of Narseh from the fourth century CE which

begins the inscription in the same way,but his concern here is to justify his

taking of the throne from Wahram, king of the Sakas.

其餘長篇銘文都是納塞赫Narseh的，四世紀後銘文基本是一樣的，但他對銘文如此關心，是因為他要為他從(錫斯坦之王)Wahram手中奪得王位的舉動正名。

(譯按，即巴赫拉姆三世，他父親征服錫斯坦後賜予他錫斯坦之王王號，巴赫拉姆三世只在位一年，隨即被叔伯輩的納塞赫取代。)

Narseh plays the dualism of Zoroastrianism very well in this period,portraying himself

as just and the forces of Wahram and his accomplice Wahnam,son of Tatrus with

falsehood.

納塞赫Narseh巧妙的利用了祆教的二元論，將他自己擺在正義的一方，Wahram及其黨羽Wahnam——Tatrus之子——則被其譴責為邪惡的一方。

He tell us his election was the result of the grandees』 election of him over his

opponent,where they met him and asked him to become the King of Kings.

納塞赫Narseh通過銘文告訴我們他的當選是顯貴們推舉的結果，在推翻他的對手後，貴族們一致要求他成為新的萬王之王。

Finally we are told that Wahram was humiliated by such a measure:「Take and bind Wahram and（put）him on a maimed donkey（and）bring him bound to Our Court.」

在銘文中他清楚地記下了他是如何羞辱Wahram的：Wahram 被綁起來然後坐在一頭殘廢的驢子身上在宮廷中遊了一圈。

Narseh

does not portray himself as the hero type,rather making himself the one that

been wronged in the succession and that he was instigated to take the throne by

the nobility and the grandees which reappears in Iranian history again and

again（one can point to the election of Nadir Shar and the institution of the Afsharids）

納塞赫Narseh並沒有把他自己塑造成一位英雄，而是扮演了一位十分在繼承鬥爭中失敗，在貴族的煽動下奪取王位的王子——這種情節在伊朗史中非常常見（比如Afsharids朝的建立和Nadir王的故事）。

Even at the end of the inscription after he has punished and killed the supporters

of the king of the Sakas,he portrays his family as the most righteous and hence

fit to rule.

在細數一遍他懲罰和殺死的錫斯坦之王的支持者後——也就是銘文的最後——他重申他的家族是最公正的家族，因此王位必是薩珊家族的。

He gives a long rendition of the goodness of his family,certainly playing on his connection with Shabuhr I and the he has to finally come to power because he is told by the nobility:「nobody else has been similar to You（whom……）the gods have

favoured[?]（and[who]by your?）fortune[?]and wisdom and Own （courage[?]have

kept?）oppression（away from Eran）sahr」

他花了一大段來讚揚他偉大的家族，重點突出了他與沙普爾一世的關係，在最後又解釋道他的登基是貴族的大力支持："沒人像你一般被神所眷顧，也沒人像您這般智慧和勇氣使得伊朗沙赫爾遠離壓迫。"

(譯注:原文多有缺漏，內容部份為原作者補錄)

After Narseh in the fourth century CE,the economy of the inscriptions give us very

little historical information with the exception of the time of Shabuhr II,and

while the royal inscription such as those of Shabur II and Shabur III at Tap-I

Bustan are formulaic,because of the economy of the non-royal inscriptions such

as that of the grand Wazir,Mihr-Narseh and the astodan（ossuary）inscription,they provide very little historical information.

納塞赫之後，限於銘文的缺失（economy）——除了沙普爾二世時代的——只給了我們相當少的歷史資訊。在沙普爾二世與三世的時代，我們可以看到位於Tap-I Bustan的銘文變的公式化起來，而由於非皇家銘文的缺失——比如大維齊爾Mihr-Narseh與墓誌銘——我們所能能獲得的歷史資訊變得十分少。

The subject of the two inscriptions at the time of Shabur II is quite valuable and

interesting for several reasons.

沙普爾二世時期兩塊銘文的主題對我們而言非常有價值而且有趣。

Both of these inscriptions were commissioned by local kings at Persepolis,one by the

king of the Sakas,Shabur Sagan-Shah and the other by a Seleukos the scribe.

兩塊銘文都是在波斯波利斯的諸王的要求下建造的。一塊是錫斯坦王Shabur

Sagan-Shah委託的，另一塊是（The scribe）Seleukos委託的。

These inscriptions reveal the territorial extent of the Sasanian empire in the fourth

Empire CE,the local administrative and military apparatus of the Sasanian

kings,and finally the importance of Persepolis for the Sasanian.

這些銘文揭示了四世紀薩珊帝國的疆域，當地薩珊諸王們的的行政與軍事機構與波斯波利斯（Persepolis）對薩珊的重要性。

In the Sagan-Shah inscription, he and his retinue have lunch at the palace and perform a ritual of yazdaˉn kardagaˉn 「ritual for the Gods,」 but also blessing his father and forefathers at this place which makes one suspect that the Sasanians knew the builders of this structure as their ancestors.

在Sagan王的銘文中，他與他的隨從在殿堂中盡享盛宴，並舉行yazdaˉn kardagaˉn儀式——「敬神儀式」——但他也在這個可能是他們先人建立的殿堂中祈求神明賜福於他的父親與祖先。

This of course does not mean that we can tell that the Sasanians at this

time knew that the Achaemenids were the builders of this structure,but since

the Kaˉrnaˉmag ? ˉ Ardax?? ˉr ? ˉ Paˉbagaˉn (The Book of the Deeds of Ardashir, the son of Pabag) mentions that

Ardashir I was from the naˉf 「lineage」 of Darius III, it can mean that they knew something about the Achaemenids.

當然，這不意味著我們可以說薩珊們此時知道阿契美尼德家族是這個建築的建造者，但從Kaˉrnaˉmag ? ˉ Ardax?? ˉr ? ˉ Paˉbagaˉn（Pabag之子，阿爾達希爾言行錄）中我們知道阿爾達希爾一世認為他是大流士三世的血系後代，這意味著他們確實知道一些阿契美尼德的事情。

The other possibility is that they had already begun to identify this

structure with the Kayanids and see them as their forefathers.This certainly is

clear from the later Sasanian period when the palace at Persepolis came to be

known as Taxt-? ˉ Jam?? ˉd 「Yima』s Throne,」 and the memory of the Achaemenids was given to oblivion under state propaganda.

另外一種可能性是他們早就開始識別出Kayanids的建築，並視他們為祖先。從薩珊波斯晚期，在波利斯波斯的宮殿被命名為（Taxt-? ˉ Jam?? ˉd 「Yima』s

Throne）和關於阿契美尼德的記憶在政府宣傳下被掩埋的行動看來，這種可能性非常大。

The interesting point of Shabuhr II and Shabuhr III』s short inscriptions

is not their content, rather their location which is away from the traditional

place where we find the early royal inscriptions.These Two Kings of Kings chose

to have their short inscriptions telling about their fathers and ancestors in Taq-?ˉ Bustan located near Kermanshah.

沙普爾二世與三世的短篇銘文的有趣的地方不在於他們的內容，而是這些銘文的所在地遠離我們發現的薩珊早期皇家銘文所在地。這兩位萬王之王選擇將他們的宣告先祖功績的銘文放在靠近Kermanshah的Taq-?ˉ Bustan。

The two fourth century Kings are set side by side,suggesting their

closeness. This is because after Shabuhr II, Ardashir II came to power and

placed himself at Taq-?ˉ Bustan in a relief beside his brother. This location is also

interesting because Narseh has a rock carving and later Xusro II as well, and

what can be said is that it may have been a sanctuary dedicated to the deity

Anahita.Here we have a relief of Narseh and Mihr or Mithra being given the

diadem of sovereignty. The largest relief belongs to Khusro II from the late

sixth/seventh century and his grotto which represents the armored custom of the

Sasanian cavalry from this period, where his horse (Shabdiz) is also covered

with armor, reminding us of Medieval European knights and jousting scenes.

這兩位四世紀的王的陵墓緊靠一起，足以證明兩人關係之好。當然，這也是因為沙普爾二世之後，阿爾達希爾二世上台將他的屍體安置到位於Taq-?ˉ Bustan的他兄弟旁的浮雕裡。這個地點也非常有趣，因為Narseh與Xusro II也在此有岩石雕刻，這可能是因為這裡是獻給Anahita神的聖所。在這裡我們還能看到擁有授予代表最高統治權王冠的Mithra（Mihr）和Narseh的浮雕。最大的浮雕是建於6晚期到7世紀的庫斯老二世的雕像和岩窟雕像，裡面的雕像體現出那個時期薩珊騎兵的裝備——包括披甲的戰馬（Shabdiz）——這不由得讓我們想起了中古歐洲的騎士與他們廝殺的場景

Above Khusro II』s grotto,there is also a scene of Khusro II』s

investiture not only Ohrmazd,

but by Anahid who is pouring libations. Other pillar fragments from Taq-?ˉ Bustan also contain pictures of Lady Anahid which attests to the importance of this deity. This is interesting, since the triad deity of the Achaemenid period, such as Ohrmazd, Anahid, and Mithra are

here represented at Taq-?ˉ Bustan and demonstrates the continuity of Persian belief system.

在Khusro II的岩穴中，有一幕授權的畫面，畫面中不僅有Ohrmazd，負責授權的Anahid傾倒著祭酒。其它來自Taq-?ˉ Bustan的石柱碎片，也包含著Lady Anahid的圖像，這足以證明Anahid在當時的重要性。自阿契美尼德時期便存在的三位神明——Ohrmazd, Anahid與 Mithra——在Taq-?ˉ Bustan存在遺跡已經顯示：波斯的石雕體系是具有連續性的。

Mihr-Narseh, who was the grand Wazir or minister Wuzurg-framaˉdaˉr in the fifth century has left a short inscription by a bridge which he commissioned for the sake of his and his son』s souls which attest to the Zoroastrian conception of building for

salvation in this period, be it a common person or a grand Wazir.

五世紀的大維齊爾（grand Wazir or minister Wuzurg-framaˉdaˉr）Mihr-Narseh在在一座橋旁留下了一座短篇銘文，這篇銘文是為了大維齊爾與他兒子靈魂的福祉而製作的，看得出祆教的拯救觀念在當時十分流行——不管是大維齊爾還是平民百姓都信這個。

By the end of the Sasanian and the beginning of the early Islamic period

several small private inscriptions exist of which the most prominent include

the two inscriptions at Maqsud Abad which relate the issue of ownership of land

and a well.These inscriptions deal with the owner of a piece of land, it』s

well,and reconstruction of castles. Other inscriptions have been found in

Byzantium，and east in India14 and as far as China15 which are from the late Sasanian period when there was intense contact with those regions or a later migration as a result

of the Arab Muslim conquest of Persia. Another group of inscriptions belong to

the graves of individuals

(astoˉdaˉn).

薩珊帝國末期與伊斯蘭早期的幾座小型私人銘文中，最引人矚目的是兩篇位於Maqsud Abad的銘文，這兩篇銘文是有關於一片土地與一口井的所有權的。兩篇銘文還講到土地的所有人和城堡的重建，也被記述在內。其他的薩珊晚期的銘文分佈在拜占庭，印度乃至中國，這些銘文的出現與阿拉伯穆斯林征服波斯後出現的移民潮息息相關。另一組銘文則是人們的墓誌銘（astoˉdaˉn)。

These inscriptions relate the name and information on the family of the

individual whose bones lay there and the date of their passing away to the

spiritual world. The general impression that we can get from the picture of the

Middle Persian inscriptions is that while early on only the king and the high

priests were able to leave a record, by the fifth century the wuzurg-framadaˉr and the sixth and the seventh centuries we have

the mushrooming of smaller private inscriptions. The question is why is it that

the populace did not leave such inscriptions only in the sixth and seventh

centuries and not earlier? Could this phenomenon be connected to the issue of

literacy and the passing away of a society from orality to a literary

tradition? These are difficult questions to answer but it does tell us that the

populace besides the court and the Zoroastrian church were using inscriptions

and writing for memorial inscriptions by the late Sasanian period.

這些銘文涉及墓主的名字，他們家族的資訊和他們的生卒年份。中古波斯銘文給我們留下的大體印象是：早期只有王與大祭司能夠留下記錄，從五世紀大維齊爾留下的銘文開始，到七世紀，我們可以看到小型的私人銘文大量增長。那麼問題來了，為什麼平民的銘文只出現於6,7世紀，在早期看不見他們的身影？這個現象是否與讀寫能力或者社會逐漸從口頭形式轉為書面形式的文學傳統有關？這是個很難回答的問題，但我們依舊知道了處於宮廷與祆教教會之外的人民在薩珊晚期雕刻銘文並以此紀念一些事情。

Seals are also important because while they usually contain a slogan or

the name of the owner, they can give us an idea of the relevant number of women

to men who were involved in business transactions (since these seals were used

as signature), the religion of the owner of the seal and the headdress and

fashion of the time. The seals with longer inscriptions also give us much more

information on the religious preoccupation of the owner of the seal or his/her

office and rank. The coinage on the other hand represents the image which the

imperial government wanted to portray to the populace and the legend on them is

usually the name and a formulaic slogan inscribed, either 「King of Kings of

Iranians (and non-Iran), from the race of the deities,」 or the title of 「Kay」

and a few others. These two types of material culture which contain Middle

Persian writing give us information on the public and governmental domain and

as to how writing was utilized in those places. While we see diversity among

the slogans and names on the seals, the coinage give us the formulaic and

somewhat static legends, where they change slowly and represent the changing

character of the imperial image.

印章也是十分重要的，因為它一般包含著短語與物主名字，他們能給告訴我們從事商務貿易的男女的相對人數（因為印章也可以作簽名用），印章物主的宗教與髮式和特定時代的潮流。擁有較長銘文的印章透露了更多關於印章物主階級對於宗教的觀念。在某些方面貨幣表現了帝國政府想向民眾展示的形象，他們將一些名字和公式化的標語刻在貨幣上，以傳奇。比如（出身神裔的伊朗人【與非伊朗人】的萬王之王，）或者是（Kay）的頭銜和其他的。有兩種含有中古波斯語書寫內容的物質文化給了我們很多關於公共與政府領域以及書寫內容如何被用於這些領域的資訊。當我們注意到印章上短語與名字的多樣性，貨幣上範本化和不變的傳說，這些東西都在緩慢的變化，這意味著帝國的形象特徵也在慢慢改變

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