SAT閱讀文章（歷史類）第6篇

托馬斯·傑斐遜（Thomas Jefferson，1743年4月13日－1826年7月4日），美利堅合眾國第三任總統（1801年─1809年）。同時也是《美國獨立宣言》主要起草人，及美國開國元勛中最具影響力者之一。其任期中之重大事件包括路易斯安那購地案（1803年）、1807年禁運法案（Embargo Act of 1807）、以及路易斯與克拉克探勘（1804–1806）。

身為政治學家，傑斐遜秉持古典自由主義與共和主義（republicanism），制定弗吉尼亞宗教自由法（Virginia Statute for Religious Freedom, 1779, 1786）。該法日後成為美國憲法第一修正案創設條文之基礎，傑斐遜式民主（Jeffersonian democracy）因他而得名。1792年他創立並領導民主共和黨（今日民主黨之前身），傑斐遜曾為第二任弗吉尼亞州州長（1779年－1781年）、第一任美國國務卿（1789年─1793年）、與第二任美國副總統（1797年－1801年）。1800年傑弗遜擊敗競逐連任的亞當斯當選美國第三任總統，此後他領導的政黨統治美國達四分之一世紀，直至他的政黨1824年分裂為止。

除了政治事業外，傑斐遜同時也是農業學、園藝學、建築學、詞源學、考古學、數學、密碼學、測量學與古生物學等學科的專家；又身兼作家、律師與小提琴手；也是弗吉尼亞大學的創辦人。許多人認為他是歷任美國總統中，智慧最高者。在1962年一個宴請49位諾貝爾獎得主的晚宴上，約翰·肯尼迪對滿堂社會菁英致詞說：「我覺得今晚的白宮聚集了最多的天分和人類知識——或許撇開當年傑斐遜獨自在這裡吃飯的時候不計。」

詹姆士·麥迪遜是美國「國父群」中的一位，他主張建立強而有力的中央政府，並且全盤修改邦聯條款，是一位聯邦主義者。憲法公布後聯邦主義者為了克服反對勢力，以致部分反對的州批准憲法，故麥迪遜等以《聯邦黨人文集》為思想，一直貫穿美國的政治思想和憲政思想，該論文集的主要談論為外部制約限制的民主、權力的分立，對宗教控制等辯論均充滿洛克、孟德斯鳩的自由學說。其對民主的見解被後世喻為「麥迪遜民主」

This passage is adapted from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson to James Madison. It was originally written in 1785, when Jefferson was residing in France.

Seven oclock, and retired to my fireside, I have determined to enter into conversation with you; this [Fontainebleau] is a village of about 5,000 inhabitants when the court is not here and 20,000 when they are, occupying a valley thro which runs a brook, and on each side of it a ridge of small mountains most of which are naked rock. The king comes here in the fall always, to hunt. His court attend him, as do also the foreign diplomatic corps. But as this is not indispensably required, and my finances do not admit the expence of a continued residence here, I propose to come occasionally to attend the kings levees, returning again to Paris, distant 40 miles.

This being the first trip, I set out yesterday morning to take a view of the place. For this purpose I shaped my course towards the highest of the mountains in sight, to the top of which was about a league. As soon as I had got clear of the town I fell in with a poor woman walking at the same rate with myself and going the same course. Wishing to know the condition of the labouring poor I entered into conversation with her, which I began by enquiries for the path which would lead me into the mountain: and thence proceeded to enquiries into her vocation, condition and circumstance. She told me she was a day labourer, at 8. sous or 4 d. sterling the day; that she had two children to maintain, and to pay a rent of 30 livres for her house (which would consume the hire of 75 days), that often she could get no emploiment, and of course was without bread. As we had walked together near a mile and she had so far served me as a guide, I gave her, on parting 24 sous. She burst into tears of a gratitude which I could perceive was unfeigned, because she was unable to utter a word. She had probably never before received so great an aid.

This little attendrissement1, with the solitude of my walk led me into a train of reflections on that unequal division of property which occasions the numberless instances of wretchedness which I had observed in this country and is to be observed all over Europe. The property of this country is absolutely concentered in a very few hands, having revenues of from half a million of guineas a year downwards. These employ the flower of the country as servants, some of them having as many as 200 domestics, not labouring. They employ also a great number of manufacturers, and tradesmen, and lastly the class of labouring husbandmen2. But after all these comes the most numerous of all the classes, that is, the poor who cannot find work. I asked myself what could be the reason that so many should be permitted to beg who are willing to work, in a country where there is a very considerable proportion of uncultivated lands? These lands are kept idle mostly for the sake of game. It should seem then that it must be because of the enormous wealth of the proprietors which places them above attention to the increase of their revenues by permitting these lands to be laboured.

I am conscious that an equal division of property is impracticable. But the consequences of this enormous inequality producing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators cannot invent too many devices for subdividing property, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand in hand with the natural affections of the human mind. The descent of property of every kind therefore to all the children, or to all the brothers and sisters, or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure, and a practicable one. Another means of silently lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all from taxation below a certain point, and to tax the higher portions of property in geometrical progression as they rise. Whenever there is in any country, uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it is clear that the laws of property have been so far extended as to violate natural right. The earth is given as a common stock for man to labour and live on. If, for the encouragement of industry we allow it to be appropriated, we must take care that other employment be furnished to those excluded from the appropriation. . .

Beginning of reading passage footnotes.

1 emotion

2 farmers

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