【翻譯】薩珊波斯：崛起與隕落——政治史：立國之初

01-29

本文來源於2009年出版的Touraj Daryaee的著作《Sasanian Persia：The Rise and Fall of an Empire》

該文翻譯是由loyola於兩年前（甚至更久）組織的長期接力翻譯活動，旨在推廣薩珊帝國歷史（以及百度貼吧薩珊帝國吧，雖然我不確定裸哥現在還在不在貼吧玩了）。因為時間較長，參與人員較多（裸哥跟我說他已經不記得到底有哪些人參與了），所以我只能在參與人員中列出記得的人（希望有參與的人跟我說一下.......）。同時也因為上述原因和人手短缺問題，所以本文在翻譯上肯定存在著前後譯名不統一，錯譯、漏譯等等問題.......因此特將原文附上，以便各位遇到問題時及時拿原文作比較（有一些字詞無法正常粘貼，大家可以去我的資料貼以sasaiand為關鍵詞搜索下載原文）。

第一章翻譯者： @孫夢迪 @高萬博（暫列）

菜雞校對：蘭斯洛特

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薩珊王朝以前的伊朗

阿契美尼德帝國使波斯人成為西元前6-4世紀已知世界的統治力量。遺憾的是，因為我們西方人過於迷信古典時期的希臘以及環繞它周圍的群島上的文明，我們往往會忽視忽視這一事實。這種波斯人的統治在某種意義上意味著埃及，美索不達米亞和印度三大主要河流文明的一種聯合。它使得不同的宗教，技術和政治理念得以融合，並使得已知世界進入一個由波斯統治的新階段。舉例來說，那些崇拜偉大的埃蘭神祗胡班的人，也知曉祆教的主神阿胡拉-馬茲達；而那些阿胡拉-馬茲達的信徒，也對美索不達米亞最偉大的神馬爾杜克有所瞭解。當堅定的一神論者希伯來人開始與祆教徒接觸時，一個碩果累累的信仰交流時代到來了，各種宗教都受到影響並留下了這一時期的印記。這種相互作用無疑發生在一個史上罕見的宗教寬容環境下，並為後來的希臘-馬其頓征服者們和希臘化時代提供了經驗。

西元前4世紀，亞歷山大征服了波斯帝國的各個總督轄地。即使在這個希臘-馬其頓的大征服時期，對波斯人而言，亞歷山大也並非一個單純的外國征服者，而是一個試圖通過宣稱對波斯王位繼承權來使自己的征服合法化的繼業者。因為亞歷山大的征服將他帶到了波斯帝國的中心地帶，他開始吸收波斯文化。他參加祅教僧侶的儀式，並且通過迎娶波斯公主們來象徵阿契美尼德皇室法統的延續。按P.Briant的觀點，對波斯而言亞歷山大是最後一位阿契美尼德統治者。現在，希臘-馬其頓人成為了部分已經存在的世界秩序的新主人。

亞歷山大並沒有活到見證他的偉大征服開花結果的那一天，他死在了巴比倫尼亞。在他死後，他的將軍們開始爭奪他的戰利品。其中的一位，塞琉古將軍，建立了波斯的塞琉古王朝。這個王朝，僅僅有名無實的控制了伊朗高原，而到了西元前250年，塞琉古王朝已經出現了衰落和分裂的徵兆。在這一時期，希臘-馬其頓人開始在伊朗建立殖民地，但是很快，這些征服者們就開始融入波斯社會，只有一小部分人堅持駐守在要塞中。我們並不確定當地人對這些政治事件的反應，但是如果祅教著作可以當成一種標準的話，我們可以對此有一定瞭解。在這些著作中，亞歷山大和他的混雜不堪的軍隊被看作邪惡的化身，來自於劫掠大地，殺害僧侶，毀滅馬茲達崇拜信仰的暴怒惡魔。然後，亞歷山大將去往被祆教徒稱為極惡之地的黑暗，惡臭所在，或者說，地獄。

西元前238年，帕提亞人入侵了東伊朗高原，並建立了一個宣稱擁有波斯和希臘-馬其頓繼承權的新王朝。此時，帕提亞人越來越傾向于波斯文化並且吸收了古老波斯統治者的理想與理念。我們對於波斯的心臟地帶-法爾斯省瞭解甚少，但是根據貧乏的證據，我們可以推斷他們處於半自治狀態並且保留了很多古老傳統。本地統治者-福拉塔拉卡統治著這個地區，他們的鑄幣證實了他們對傳統的尊重。其他的本地統治者也學習他們，也開始用自己的名字鑄幣，他們被稱為波斯諸王。在西元三世紀的開始，因為某種不明的原因，一個本地的波斯家族-薩珊的勢力急劇擴張，遠超他們的領地-伊什塔爾城。然後，一位波斯人的天選之子-阿爾達希爾，再次改變了歷史進程。

ARDASHIR I AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE SASANIAN EMPIRE阿爾達希爾一世和薩珊帝國的建立

Ardashir I was able to defeat Ardawan(Artabanus IV)

at the plain of Hormozgan in 224 CE and established the Sasanian Empire.3 From

then on, Ardashir took the title of sahansah "King of Kings" and

began the conquest of a territory which would be called Iranshahr (Eransahr).

阿爾達希爾一世在西元224年在霍爾木茲甘擊敗阿爾達班四世並且建立起了薩珊帝國。從那時起，阿爾達希爾開始使用「眾王之王」沙汗沙的稱號，而且開始統治這片將會被稱為伊朗沙赫爾的土地。

But before this fateful battle between the last

Arsacid king and the instituitor of the Sasanian dynasty, much had happened

internally and externally in order for this new dynasty to come to power. To

the west, the Roman Empire was going through one of its worst centuries, an

anxious period, when its future seemed unsure. Roman armies whose allegiance

lay with their generals brought chaos to the empire and one "Barrack

Emperor" followed another, with some ruling for a very short time. During

Caracallas rule the empire was ruled by religious fanatics and imbued with civil

strife. Ardawan IV had held his own fighting Caracalla and the Romans close to

Nisibis in 217 CE. A treaty in 218 CE brought a monetary settlement and kept

most of Mesopotamia in the hands of the Arsacids. The next two emperors,

Elagabalus (218-222 CE) and Alexander Severus (222-235 CE) were faced with

their own internal problems, preventing them from making the Arsacids and then

the Sasanians their sole priority.

但是在同阿爾薩息王朝的末代國王之間的決定性戰鬥和薩珊王朝的建立之前，許多發生在內部和外部的事情就註定了這個新王朝的崛起。在西部，羅馬帝國正在經歷他它最糟糕的世紀之一，在這個時代未來無法確定。效忠於各自軍團長的羅馬軍隊為羅馬帝國帶來了混亂，一個又一個「軍營皇帝」相繼上臺，其中一些人只統治了很短的時間。卡拉卡拉皇帝的統治充滿了宗教狂熱和內亂。阿爾達班四世在217年同卡拉卡拉和羅馬人在尼西比斯附近作戰。218年達成的協議帶來了金錢補償，而且大部分美索不達米亞仍留在了阿爾薩息王朝的手中。接下來的兩個皇帝艾拉伽巴路斯（218-222CE）和亞歷山大·塞維魯斯（222-235CE）要面對他們內部的問題，而阿爾薩息王朝和之後的薩珊王朝不再是他們首要的關注對象。

While

Ardawan was able to repel the Romans, internally he had been challenged by

Balash（Vologases VI) who minted coins in his own name

until 221-222 CE, demonstrating the fact that the issue of an all-powerful King

of Kings had not been settled in the Arsacid Empire.4 So it would not seem

amazing that a local warrior and his family in the province of Persis was able

to rise and begin conquering the surrounding territories in a short time.

Ardawan had bigger problems and could not turn his attention to a minor upstart

in Persis.

阿爾達班成功地擊退羅馬人的同時，他在國內遭到巴拉什（沃洛加西斯六世）的挑戰，後者在西元221-222年將自己的名字鑄造在錢幣上。這個揭示了阿爾薩息王朝的王中王並沒有無上的權勢。所以，波西斯行省的當地武士和他的家族能夠在短時間崛起並征服周邊的領土這件事似乎不怎麼驚人。阿爾達班有面對的敵人遠比這麻煩，所以無力把注意力放在波西斯的小挑戰者身上。

The Sasanian

campaign in controlling the province of Persis began in 205-206 CE, when the

father of Ardashir I, Pabag dethroned the local ruler of Istakhr, by the name

of Gozihr, from the Bazrangid family. According to the sources, Pabag was a

priest of the fire-temple of Anahid at the city of Istakhr and this must have

been a stage for the rallying of the local Persian warriors who were devoted to

the cult of this deity.Anahid is important, since she is an object of devotion

in the Zoroastrian sacred text, the Avesta, (see Yasht V or the Aban Yasht) by

heroes, warriors and kings. During the AchCEmenid period, in the beginning of

the fifth century BCE, Artaxerxes II also worshipped Anahid(Anahita) along with

Mihr (Mithra) and Ohrmazd(Ahura Mazda). Thus, her cult must have been an old

one in Persis and the temple may have served as a location where the Persian

tradition was kept alive. Anahitas warlike character was the symbiosis of

ancient Near Eastern(Ishtar), Hellenic (Athena/Anaitis) and Iranian tradition

which provided legitimacy for kingship in the Sasanian period.

薩珊家族在西元205-206年開始掌控波西斯行省，阿爾達希爾的父親巴巴克推翻了伊什塔克爾的當地統治者-巴茲倫吉家族的齊赫爾。根據資料，巴巴克是伊什塔克爾城的阿娜希塔的聖火神廟的祭司，而且這裡一定是召集當地的忠於這個女神的波斯戰士們的場所。阿娜希塔女神十分重要，她是瑣羅亞斯德教的聖典《阿維斯陀經》中崇拜的神祇之一。在阿契美尼德時期，西元前5世紀初的阿爾塔薛西斯二世就崇拜著阿娜希塔以及密特拉和阿胡拉馬茲達。因此，她的教團在波西斯應該算是非常古老的，而且波斯傳統也許依舊存在於這個神廟。阿娜希塔的好戰性格和古代的近東（伊什塔爾女神），希臘（雅典娜女神）和伊朗（阿娜希塔女神）的傳統共生到一起，而且在薩珊時代為王權提供正統性。

Pabag had

envisaged his eldest son, Shabuhr, as his heir since we have coins representing

both Shabuhr and his father. Nevertheless, Shabuhr died under mysterious

circumstances. On these coins the obverse has the legend bgy shpwhly MLY』((His)

Majesty, king Shabuhr)and the reverse BRH bgy p』pky MLK(son of(His)Majesty,

king Pabag.) Ardashir and his followers seem to be the culprits who benefited

the most out of this "accidental death," but that cannot be proved

for certain. If the graffiti at Persepolis is an accurate portrayal of Pabag

and his son Shabuhr, one can make several assumptions. One is that the

Sasanians were becoming or had become a family that held both secular and

religious power in Persis. Second, the cult office, which is very much an idea

connected with Zoroastrianism, was alive before Ardashir came to power.y Third,

the proximity of the graffiti of Pabag and Shabuhr to the AchCEmenid structures

suggests that these monumenu were important for the Sasanians. We may assume

that after the death of Shabuhr, Ardashir became the next heir and began to

complete the conquest o fPersis and beyond. By this time Ardawan IV had become alarmed, but neither the

forces sent nor the army under his directcommandwere able to defeatArdashir.

Walakhash/Balash, the Parthian challenger to Ardawan IV in Mesopotamia,

outlived the Parthian king, bathe was the next victim

ofArdashir in 229 CE. By this time most of the Iranian Plateau and the Arab

side of the Persian Gulf had become part of his empire.

我們發現了一枚同時具有巴巴克和其長子沙普爾的硬幣，這可能意味巴巴克想讓他的長子沙普爾作為他的繼承人，然而沙普爾死於一場神秘意外。這些硬幣的正面銘文是bgy shpwhly MLY』（沙普爾王）反面的銘文是BRH bgy p』pkyMLK（巴巴克王之子）。阿爾達希爾和他的追隨者們似乎是這次意外事故的元兇，因為他們從這次事件中受益最大，但是這也只是個猜測。如果波斯波利斯的那個塗鴉畫是巴巴克和他的兒子沙普爾的真實畫像，那我們可以做出一些假設。假設之一就是薩珊家族已經在波西斯擁有了世俗和宗教界都相當有權勢了。第二，這個與索羅亞斯德教息息相關的教團在阿爾達希爾上位前就規模十足了。第三，這幅畫像和阿契美尼德王朝建築相鄰證明這些石碑對薩珊家族非常重要。我們可以猜測，沙普爾死後，阿爾達希爾成為了新的接班人，征服波西斯和鄰近地區的事業就此開始。直到此時，阿爾達班才意識到新挑戰者的可怕，但沒有一支軍隊可以擊敗阿爾達希爾。在美索不達米亞挑戰阿爾達班地位的Walakhash/巴拉什雖然活過了前者，但還是在229年成為了阿爾達希爾的手下敗將。現在，大部分伊朗高原和波斯灣的阿拉伯一邊統一在帝國的旗幟下。

In his

invasion of Armenia, Syria and Cappadocia, Ardashir came into conflict with

Rome and Emperor Alexander Severus (222-235 CE). In a letter to Ardashir,

Alexander Severus had made it clear that his invasion of the Roman Empire would

not be as successful as his conquest of his other neighbors. While Severus was

alive, neither Ardashir nor the Romans were able to defeat one another （wars

of 231-233 CE). However, once Severus died in 235 CE, Mesopotamia, Dura,

CarrhCE, Nisbis and finally Hatra were invaded by the Sasanians. Ardashir then

retired and spent the last years of his life in Persis while his son, Shabuhr I

who had taken part in the 240 CE campaign, continued his conquests and the

expansion of the empire. One might ask why Ardashir had taken on these

campaigns against the Romans? This was probably due to the fact that the stable

borders between the two empires of Rome and Parthia had previously been

Oshroene, Hatra, and Armenia, but Severus had conquered Oshroene which put the

heartland of the Arsacid and later Sasanian dynasty in danger.

在阿爾達希爾一世對亞美尼亞，敘利亞和卡帕多西亞的入侵中，他和羅馬帝國及羅馬皇帝亞歷山大·賽維魯（西元222-235年）發生了衝突。亞歷山大·賽維魯給阿爾達希爾的信件中，他清晰的表示他對羅馬帝國的入侵不會像他征服他的其他鄰居那樣成功。雖然賽維魯活著的時候，阿爾達希爾和羅馬人在西元231-233年的戰役中都不能擊敗對方。賽維魯在西元235年去世後，薩珊人相繼入侵了美索不達米亞，杜拉，卡萊，尼斯比斯和哈特拉。之後，阿爾達希爾退居二線，在波西斯渡過了他生命的最後幾年。他的兒子沙普爾一世指揮了西元240年的戰役，繼續他的征服和為帝國擴張領土。有些人也許想問阿爾達希爾為什麼要去同羅馬人作戰。這可能是因為羅馬和帕提亞的邊界一般穩定在奧斯若恩，哈特拉和亞美尼亞一線，但是賽維魯征服了奧斯若恩，這使得阿爾薩息王朝和之後的薩珊王朝的核心地帶受到了威脅。

We should

say more about Ardashir, since he is an important personage in the development

of the Sasanian outlook and imperial ideology. The material remains of his rule

are especially rich in providing us with his world-view. In commemoration of

his victory, he commissioned several rock-reliefs at Firouzabad, Naqsh-i Rajab

and Naqsh-i Rustam. At Naqsh-i Rustam, he is shown on his horse standing over

the dead body of Ardawan. Ohrmazd faces him on a horse as well, standing over

the body of the evil spirit Ahreman, and is handing the symbol of sovereignty

to Ardashir I.

This relief demonstrates that Ardashir believed or wanted others to believe

that he was appointed by God to rule over a territory which the inscriptions

call Iranshahr (realm of the Iranians/Ayrans) and the people Eran (Iranians).

The name used for this territory had precedence in the Avesta and designated

the mythical homeland of the Aryans, now transposed onto the region where the

Sasanians were ruling. This idea was to be accepted by the Zoroastrian and

non-Zoroastrian population of the empire and lived on in the collective memory

of Persians in various stages and among the various strata of Iranian society

and governments till modern times. This idea should not be mistaken for the

Classical historians testimonies, relaying that Ardashir was attempting to

regain the AchCEmenid Persian territory. What is clear is that a notion of what

Iranshahr meant was present in the religious sphere, which may have given rise

to political concepts of a set territory. This is gained from the third century

inscriptions of the Zornastrian priest Kerdir who tells us what was considered

to be Iranshahr and what was considered to be an-Eran or

"non-Iranian" lands. Kerdir tells us that he established many fires

and priests in Iranshahr, which according to him were the following provinces:

Persis, Parthia, Babylonia, Mesene, Adiabene, Azerbaijan, Isfahan, Ray, Kerman,

Sistan, and Gurgan, to Peshawar. Kerdir tells us that Syria,Cilicia,

Armenia,Georgia, Albania and Balasgan which were under Sasanian control were

deemed as an-Eran. This term is also used in an adjectival form, giving Erih

"Iranianess," and an antonym, an-Erih which may be equivalent to the

ancient Greek concept of barbaroi along with all its cultural trappings.

阿爾達希爾一世是影響薩珊的未來和帝國理念的發展的重要的人物，所以應該多說一點。他的統治下的物質遺存十分豐富，這使得我們能瞭解他的世界觀。為了紀念勝利，他在菲魯扎巴德，納克歇·拉伽巴和納克歇·洛斯塔姆興建了一些岩石浮雕。在納克歇·洛斯塔姆的浮雕中，他和他的戰馬站在阿爾達班的屍體上。面向著他的善神奧爾馬茲德也騎在馬上並站在惡神阿裡曼的身體上。善神將王權的象徵交給阿爾達希爾一世。這個浮雕表明阿爾達希爾相信或者希望別人相信：他是君權神授的，來統治這片銘文中被稱為伊朗沙赫爾（伊朗人雅利安人的領土）的土地和伊蘭民族（伊朗人）。這個名字最初被用來描述《阿維斯陀經》中雅利安人的神秘故鄉，現在被變換為薩珊王朝統治的這片地區。這個想法被薩珊帝國的瑣羅亞斯德教的民眾和非瑣羅亞斯德教的民眾所寫手，而且一直存在於伊朗的社會和政府的各階層和各個階段的波斯人的集體記憶中。這不應該因為古典歷史學家的文獻而被誤解，即這和阿爾達希爾一世試圖重新佔領阿契美尼德波斯的領土無關。伊朗沙赫爾所意味著的概念是明確地存在於宗教層面的，也許被提升到了一系列領土的政治概念。西元三世紀的瑣羅亞斯德教祭司科爾迪爾的銘文中記述了這些。科爾迪爾告訴我們：伊朗沙赫爾被認為是什麼而非伊蘭人即「非伊朗人」的土地是指什麼。他還告訴我們他在伊朗沙赫爾設立了許多聖火神廟和祭司們，而他所指的包括如下的省份：波西斯，帕提亞，巴比倫，梅塞尼，阿狄亞貝尼，亞塞拜然，伊斯法罕，賴伊，克爾曼，錫斯坦，古爾幹和白沙瓦。他還告訴我們，薩珊控制下的敘利亞，西里西亞，亞美尼亞，喬治亞，阿爾巴尼亞和巴拉斯干被視為是非伊蘭的。這個詞也有形容詞詞性。Erih（伊朗人的）和反義的an-Erih（非伊朗人的）合一等同於古希臘人的蠻族概念以及其文化標誌。

Ardashirs coins also bear a standard formula which

the succeeding kings in the third and the fourth centuries adopted: mazdysnbgy …

MLKn MLK yl』n MNW ctry MN yzdn "MazdCEan Majesty[name of the king],

King of Kings of Eran, whose fineage (is) from the gods."According to this

legend, Ardashir considered himself a worshiper of Mazda (Ohrmazd)

"mazdysn」 first and above all.Second, he saw himself of divine descent:

"MNW ctry MN yzdn." This of course brings us to the question of from

whom did he believe he was descended? Which "gods" were his

forefathers?The eponym of the dynasty, i.e., Sasan is clearly important to this

question. It was thought that the epigraphic form ssn, which appeared on

certain Parthian ostraca and other documents, designated Sawn as a Zoroastrian

deity, although he was not mentioned in the Avesta or the Old Persian

material.Recently, Martin Schwartz has suggested that the deity mentioned on

the ostraca has nothing to do with Sasan, but represented Sesen, an old Semitic

god which is found in Ugaraitic as early as the second millennium BCE. Be that

as it may, in the first century CE, in Taxila we find coins with the name of

Sasa which may be connected with Sasan because the emblem on the coin matches

those on the coat-of-arms for Shabuhr I.The

Persian epic, the Shahnameh of Ferdowsi, also mentions an eastern connection

for Sasan which leads us to believe that this family may have come from the

east. Still, despite this difficulty and confusion, we can state that Ardashir

saw himself as the descendent of the gods, `yazdan," and the Sasanians may

have elevated Sasan to divine status. It is altogether possible that this idea

was part of the Hellenic past of Iran. Alexander the Great and the Seleucids

considered themselves descendants of theos "god" and more importantly

epiphanies, "god-made-manifests," which matches that of MNW ctry MN yzdn

of the early Sasanian inscriptions.3 The artistic elements in early Sasanian

period may also corroborate this suggestion, as the image of Ohrmzad and

Ardashir I are similar in Naqsh-i Rustam and other early rock-reliefs.

阿爾達希爾一世的硬幣也成為了隨後的三世紀和四世紀的諸王的標準模版：mazdysnbgy … MLKn MLK yl』n MNW ctry MNyzdn（馬茲迪恩殿下【國王的名字】，伊蘭的眾王之王，神定的君王）。首先，根據這個傳說，阿爾達希爾認為自己首先且主要是馬茲達（奧赫馬茲德，"mazdysn」）信徒。其後，他自認為有神的血統："MNW ctry MN yzdn"。問題就來了，他所認為的血統繼承自誰呢？哪個「神祇」是他的祖先呢？一般認為出現在某些帕提亞的陶片上和其他文獻上的銘文ssn是指瑣羅亞斯德教的神祇Swan索恩。然而這個神祇沒有出現在《阿維斯陀經》或其他古波斯的資料中。最近，馬丁·舒華茲認為這個陶片上的神祇和薩珊無關，而是代表著古代的閃米特神祇賽森，早在2千年前出現在烏加里特人中。即便這樣，我們在塔克拉西發現的西元1世紀的硬幣上有薩薩sasa的文字，這和薩珊有關是因為這個硬幣上的徽記和沙普爾一世的徽章很像。波斯史詩菲爾多西的《列王記》中也提到了薩珊和東方的關係，這使得我們相信這個家族也許來自東部。儘管資料如此的混亂和稀少，我們依舊可以說阿爾達希爾把自己堪稱神祇的後裔`yazdan,而且薩珊王朝也許把薩珊的地位提升了。這個主意也許部分來自希臘化時期的伊朗。亞歷山大大帝和塞琉古諸王自稱是神的後裔，而且更重要的是，他們自己造神，這和薩珊王朝早期銘文中的MNW ctry MN yzdn相對應。薩珊時代早期的藝術樣式也能證明這一點，比如納克歇·洛斯塔姆和其他早期的岩石浮雕中，阿爾達希爾一世和奧赫馬茲德的形象就很相像。

SHABUHR I AND WAR WITH ROME沙普爾一世以及和羅馬的戰爭

Ardashirs son, Shabuhr I had become his co-regent

in 240 CE. This is apparent from a coinage which portrays both men together,

and was probably ordered by Ardashir to ensure a safe succession. This was

because there were other sons of his who had been given governorship of other

provinces, and they might have wanted to assume the throne, just as he had done

in his youth. This system is characteristic of the Sasanians, under whom sons

were sent to rule different provinces and when the ruler died, one of the heirs

would assume the throne. In this manner, there was always a danger of dynastic

squabbling, of which the Sasanians had their fair share. The method of

succession was initially based on the choice of the preceding king, but later

the nobility and the Zoroastrian priests assumed the decision. Shabuhr I did accompany

his father in battle, which made him battle ready and in fact ensured his

success in wars against Rome. In 243 CE, Gordian invaded Mesopotamia to

retrieve what had been taken by Ardashir and his son after Alexander Severus

death. But Shabuhr tells us (according to SKZ) that he was able to kill him at

Misikhe in 244 CE, close to the Euphrates river which he later called

PerozShabuhr (Victorious is Shabuhr).It is now known that Gordian had died in

Zaitha in northern Mesopotamia in 244 CE at a time when warfare between the two

sides seemed unlikely.Thus, it is suggested by some that after the defeat, the

Roman forces murdered Gordian in retreat at Zaitha.According to Shabuhr Is

Kabe-ye Zardosht inscription, Gordian had come with a force composed of "Goths

and Germans" (SKZ Pa4/37 gwt w grm』ny),and they were defeated in a

headlong battle. Consequently, Philip the Arab was forced to sign a treaty

which ceded much territory and a large sum of gold as war reparations,

amounting to 500,000 denarii.The territories that the Sasanians were able to

take from the Romans were large parts of Mesopotamia and Armenia.We should not

lose sight of the fact that the newly established Sasanian dynasty was also

confronting a branch of the Arsacid family in Armenia and so it needed to flush

out any such resistance to secure its northern flank while fighting the Romans.

For this reason the great kingdom of Armenia was to have a turbuent history

during the Sasanian period.

阿爾達希爾一世之子沙普爾一世在西元240年已經成為他的共治者。兩者一同出現的硬幣清晰的表現出這一點，而且這也許是阿爾達希爾為了確保安全的繼承而下令的。這是因為其他的兒子已經擁有了其他省份的總督權，而且他們也許也想問鼎王位。這種體系是薩珊王朝的特色，諸子要被送去統治不同行省，而統治者死後，其中一個兒子會繼承王位。這種方式下，王朝時刻處於內鬥的危險中，因為薩珊皇室機會均等。最初，繼承權基於前任國王的選擇，但是後來，貴族和瑣羅亞斯德教祭司來做決定。沙普爾一世和父親一同上戰場，這使得他做好了戰爭準備。事實上，這確保了他在同羅馬的戰爭中的勝利。亞歷山大·賽維魯死後，在西元243年，羅馬帝國的戈爾迪安皇帝入侵美索不達米亞，來收復阿爾達希爾和他兒子奪去的領土。沙普爾告訴我們他在西元244年在靠近幼發拉底河的米什克哈擊殺了他，這裡後來被稱為卑路斯沙普爾（沙普爾的勝利）。戈爾迪安在西元224年死在美索不達米亞北部的紮塔，此時雙方似乎不可能在此作戰。因此，一些人認為羅馬軍隊在被擊敗後，在撤退到紮塔時謀殺了皇帝。根據沙普爾一世的Kabe-ye Zardosht 銘文，戈爾迪安率領包括有『哥特人和日爾曼人』(SKZ Pa4/37

gwt w grm』ny)的大軍而且在一次匆忙的戰役中被擊敗。因此，阿拉伯的菲力浦被迫簽訂了割讓許多領土和賠償多達50萬第納爾的一大筆戰爭賠償的協議。薩珊人從羅馬人那裡獲得的領土包括美索不達米亞和亞美尼亞的大片領地。我們不能忽視這個事實：亞美尼亞的阿爾薩息王朝分支也在和新興的薩珊王朝作戰。因此，再和羅馬人作戰時，薩珊人必須要趕跑任何阻力來保證他的北部的安全。所以，薩珊時期，大亞美尼亞王國動蕩不安。

Shabuhr I commemorated his victory in a rock-relief

at Naqsh-i Rustam showing him subjugating the two Roman emperor to his will. He

also left us a long resume of his deeds at Kabe-ye Zardosht in Persis, which

is the first long testament from the Sasanians themselves and demonstrates

their outlook in an epic narrative. In his resgestCE he provides information on

his religious conviction, lineage, the areas that he ruled over, and also the

fate of the Romans. It is interesting to note that Shabuhr I tells us that the

CCEser (Gordian) lied, putting the matters in a Zoroastrian doctrinal context

where the Romans represented the concept of Lie/Disorder, against the Persian

representatives of Truth/Order. In any case, the second campaign of Shabuhr

began in 252 CE against a Roman force of 60,000 at Barbalissus. It ended in

total defeat of the Romans, and if we are to believe the SKZ narrative, some 37

towns in Mesopotamia and Syria were taken.40 The reason for this campaign is

again given in a phrase in the SKZ:W kysr TWB MKDBW-tW`L』 rmn-y wyns

`BD-t"and CCEsar again lied and did wrong to Armenia." What was this

lie？In effect, although Philip had promised to give

Iranians control over Armenia, he did not cede Armenia to the Sasanians.

Instead, Philip only agreed to go back to the old treaty from the time of

Augustus and the Arsacids where the Roman emperor crowned the Armenian ruler

who was picked by the Arsacid King of Kings.At the time of the Sasanians, of

course the Arsacid family of Armenia would not have agreed with such tradition,

nor would have the Sasanians who saw their nemesis to the north being crowned by

the Romans.

沙普爾一世在納克歇·洛斯塔姆紀念他的勝利，他的岩石浮雕中展現了在他的意願下兩個羅馬皇帝被迫屈服。他還在波西斯的Kabe-ye Zardosht留下了他的事蹟的長篇概述，這是薩珊人自己的第一份長篇自白而且證明了他們在史詩敘事中的視角。在他的事蹟中，他提供了關於他的宗教理念，血統，他統治的地區以及羅馬人的命運的資訊。有趣的是，沙普爾一世聲稱凱撒（戈爾迪安）說謊了。這就把這些事件放入到瑣羅亞斯德教的教義背景中—羅馬代表了謊言/混亂，而波斯人代表了真理/秩序。沙普爾的第二次戰役則是在西元252年在巴爾巴厘蘇斯對抗6萬羅馬軍隊。這次戰役以羅馬的完敗結束，而且如果我們相信SKZ裡的敘事，那麼美索不達米亞和敘利亞就有37個城鎮被奪取。這次戰役的起因也在SKZ中出現：Wkysr TWB MKDBW-tW`L』 rmn-y wyns `BD-t"（凱撒再一次撒謊，而且在亞美尼亞上犯了錯）這個謊言是什麼的？事實上，儘管菲力浦承諾讓伊朗人控制亞美尼亞，但是他並沒有把亞美尼亞割讓給波斯。相反，菲力浦只同意一切恢復到奧古斯都和阿爾薩息王朝時代的舊條約，其中，羅馬皇帝為來自阿爾薩息的萬王之王加冕。當然沒，到了薩珊時代，亞美尼亞的阿爾薩息王室不會同意這樣的傳統，而薩珊人也不會坐視他們的北方的敵人被羅馬人加冕

In 260 CE Shabuhr I begin his third

campaign and took eastern Mesopotamia and Syria and the coast of eastern

Mediterranean. At this battle the emperor Valerian along with senators and

soldiers were captured and deported to the Sasanian territory. Now Goths,

Romans, Slavs and other people from the Near East were incorporated into the

Sasanian Empire. Before this, no other person could have claimed that he was

able to kill a Roman emperor, make one tributary, and capture and imprison the

third.Shabuhr was very much aware of his feat and did not hesitate to mention

his heroism in his inscription.At a rock-relief in Persis, Valerian is shown

kneeling before him and today at the city of Bishabuhr, among the runs of the city,

a place is marked as zeudau-e valerian "Valerians prison." This

victory by Shabuhr I did not escape the attention of Roman sources either,

although the reason for Valerians defeat, as many now wrote as Christians was

his paganism and tormenting of Christians, while others gave a more sober view

of the captured emperor.

在260年，沙普爾一世開始了第三次戰役，美索不達米亞和敘利亞的東部以及東地中海的沿海地區相繼被佔領。這次戰役中，瓦勒良皇帝和眾多元老以及士兵被俘虜而且被帶到薩珊領土。現在，近東的哥特人，羅馬人，斯拉夫人和其他民族被納入了薩珊帝國。此前，沒有任何人能聲稱他曾經殺死過一個羅馬皇帝，迫使第二個稱臣納貢，而俘獲和囚禁了第三個。沙普爾非常清楚他的壯舉，而且在他的銘文中毫不猶豫地提到他的英雄事蹟。在波西斯的浮雕上，瓦勒良被迫在他面前屈膝，而且在比沙普爾的遺跡中依舊有個地方被標記為zeudau-e valerian（瓦勒良的監牢）。沙普爾一世的勝利並沒有被羅馬人的資料忽視，相反，由於瓦勒良的戰敗，許多基督徒所寫的資料聲稱他是異教徒而且折磨基督徒，當然其他資料則對被俘的皇帝有更清醒的看法。

Although the

borders between Rome and Persia fluctuated between the Tigris and the

Euphrates, depending on the military success on either side, this did not mean

that travel was restricted. In fact people from both sides traveled from one

side to another, engaged in trade, and intermarried. This openness and ease of

movement from one side of the border to another made spies useful, and

supplying information on the enemy was seen as a great betrayal by both

sides.For now, Mesopotamia was in Persian hands, but Armenia needed to be dealt

with as it had resisted Ardashir and defeated his army.

雖然，羅馬和波斯的邊界由於雙方的軍事勝利而在底格裡斯河和幼發拉底河之間來回改變，這並不意味著旅行被禁止了。事實上，兩邊的民眾互相旅行，從事貿易，相互通婚。這種開放性和一邊到另一邊的輕鬆行動使得間諜活動十分有用，而且為提供敵人的資訊被雙方都視作是嚴重被迫。現在，美索不達米亞在波斯人的手中，而曾經抵擋並擊敗了阿爾達希爾一世的亞美尼亞需要得到解決。

Armenia would be the focal point between

the Sasanians and the Romans and remained so until the end of the Sasanian

period. The Armenian situation was quite complex and important for both sides,

because of the strategic and economic interests, and the fact that Armenia

served as a buffer between Persia and Rome. Considering that a branch of the

Parthian royal family remained in Armenia, it is quite easy to imagine why

Shabuhr wanted to put an end to the problem of Armenia. He planned the

assassination of king Xosrov and installed a king loyal to him by the name of

Tirdates (Tirdad) who ruled from 252-262 CE. Armenias importance in the eyes

of the Persians is well manifested, as in the case of several of the heirs to

the Sasanian throne who were stationed in Armenia and were called

wuzurg-Armau-sah "The Great King of Armenia." No other province of

the Sasanian Empire had such an importanttitle attached to it.

亞美尼亞將是薩珊和羅馬的焦點，這會持續到薩珊時代結束。亞美尼亞的情況十分複雜，而且由於戰略和經濟的利益，它對雙方都很重要。事實上亞美尼亞是波斯和羅馬之間的緩衝。考慮到帕提亞王室的一支依舊存在於亞美尼亞，就不難想像沙普爾為什麼想解決亞美尼亞的問題。他計畫暗殺了國王科斯洛夫而且安排了一個忠於他的國王梯利達特斯（梯利達德）（西元252-262）。薩珊王位的幾個繼承人被派駐到亞美尼亞而且被稱為wuzurg-Armau-sah（偉大的亞美尼亞國王），亞美尼亞在波斯人眼中的重要性由此可見。薩珊帝國的其他行省沒有像這樣被重視過。

SHABUHR I AND MANI沙普爾一世和摩尼教

During Shabuhrs reign his religious outlook became

a matter of importance. The Zoroastrian "church" was being formed by

Kerdir, who was trying to establish a body of laws, canonize the Avesta, create

a common doctrine, unify the belief system, and establish a Zoroastrian

religious hierarchy tied to the State. At the same time Mani emerged from

Mesopotamia, professing a religion which by all accounts was universal.

ManichCEan sources state that during the last years of Ardashirs reign Mani

had crossed the empire and had gone to India. During Shabuhr Is reign he had

come back to the Sasanian Empire, appeared before the king and was honored,

stayed with the king for sometime and was given permission to preach throughout

the empire.

沙普爾一世統治時期，他的宗教觀是重要的事務。瑣羅亞斯德教『教會』被科爾迪爾建立起來，而後者試圖建立律法體系，推崇《阿維斯陀經》，創建一個共同的準則，統一信仰體系並且將瑣羅亞斯德教的宗教制度和薩珊國家捆綁一起。與此同時，摩尼在美索不達米亞傳教了，他試圖創造一個世界性的宗教。摩尼教的資料聲稱在阿爾達希爾一世統治的末期，摩尼曾經橫跨帝國前去印度。在沙普爾一世統治時期，他回到了薩珊帝國，出現在國王面前並且得到了尊崇。他有時同國王呆在一起而且被獲准在整個帝國內傳教。

At this time it would be wrong to see

Zoroastrianism as an exclusive religion, since Zoroastrianism was a religion

that could be adopted by the conquered people. Shabuhrs tolerance of Mani, and

at the same time his commitment to Ohrmazd and Zoroastrianism has caused problems

for historians. But if Shabuhr saw the growing power and structure of the

Zoroastrian priesthood, might he not have attempted to show them that the King

of Kings was still the one who has the last say?Were it not the Sasanians who

were the caretakers and priests of the Anahid fire-temple and were schooled in

the rites and ceremnies?Sasanian concern with politics shoed not have

diminished their religious authority, at least until the time of Wahram I. Mani

was able to propagate his religion during Shabuhr Is rule and that of his son.

Still, Shabuhr I mentions in his resgestCE that many Wahram fires were

established and that lamb, wine, and bread were offered to the gods for the

soul of the kings and queens of the family of Sasan. All of these, to a Zoroastrian

priest may have seemed "pagan," and the kings cult may just have

been that.

這時，如果把瑣羅亞斯德教看作是排外的宗教那就錯了，因為瑣羅亞斯德教可以被被征服的民族所信仰。沙普爾一世對摩尼的寬容和同時推崇奧赫馬茲德和瑣羅亞斯德教讓歷史學家們感到疑惑。但是如果沙普爾一世看到了瑣羅亞斯德教的祭司階層的權利和結構不斷增長，也許他會嘗試向他們展現眾王之王依舊是擁有決定權的人？難道薩珊家族過去不是阿娜希塔聖火神廟的管理者和祭司而且在這些祭壇和儀式中接受教育？到巴赫拉姆一世時，薩珊的政治中心的宗教權威並沒有被損壞。摩尼在沙普爾一世和他的兒子的統治時期能夠傳播他的宗教。然而，沙普爾一世自述的成就中就有許多巴赫拉姆聖火被建立起來而且為了薩珊家族的諸王和諸王后的靈魂，羊肉，酒和麵包被獻給眾神。所有這些作為在一個瑣羅亞斯德教祭司眼中也許被視作是『異教徒』——對國王的崇拜也許也如此。

SASANIAN COURT AND BUREAUCRACY薩珊宮廷和政府體系

If one compares the retinue, the bureaucracy and

the size of the court, between Ardashir I and Shabuhr I, one begins to see that

there was an increase in the administrative apparatus and the size of the

court. This would be natural, since if an empire was to be centralized and to

be functioning, it needed to have not only a king, but also governors(sahrabs),

viceroys (bidaxs), a steward of royal property(framadar), a commander of the

royal guard(hazarbad),scribes(dibirs), treasurers(ganzwars), judges(dadwars),

and a market inspector(wazarbed),along with the local kings(sahrdaran), princes

of royal blood(waspuhragan),grandees(wuzuzgan), minor nobility (azadan), and

other officials as mentioned in the res

gestCE. The nobility(wuzuzgan), whose loyalty to their clan was paramount, now

submitted to the Sasanians. Such families as Waraz, Suren, Andigan, Karen, and

others were given various honors and positions, such as being master of

ceremonies or crown bestower. They also displayed their clan emblem or

coat-of-arms on their caps (kulafs)as is apparent on the rock-reliefs at

Naqsh-i Rajab and Naqsh-i Rustam.We do not know which symbol belonged to which

clan and what the symbols exactly meant, whether they were insignias or names

of the clans made into designs.

根據阿爾達希爾一世和沙普爾一世兩者的隨從、政府體系和宮廷的規模的對比，可以看出宮廷規模和政府機構的增加。如果一個帝國要中央集權和進行運轉的話，這是必然的。這不僅需要有國王，還需要大小總督，皇室財產的管家，皇家衛隊的指揮官，書吏，財務官，法官和市場巡邏官以及各地土王，皇室血統的王子，小貴族和其他出現在res gestce中的官員。過去忠於自己家族的貴族現在向薩珊王朝效忠。這樣的家族有沃拉茲，蘇倫，安迪甘，卡倫等，他們得到了各種特權和地位，例如成為禮儀大臣或王冠賜予者。他們也有在他們的庫拉夫帽上的自己家族的徽章，它們出現在納克歇·拉伽巴和納克歇·洛斯塔姆的浮雕上。我們並不清楚哪個標誌屬於哪個家族以及這些標誌到底意味著什麼—個人徽章或者家族徽章。

JOUSTING FOR KINGSHIP: WAHRAMS AND NARSEH角逐王權：巴赫拉姆和納塞赫

The next king, Hormizd I (270-271 CE), probably the

youngest son of Shabuhr I came to the throne and rued for only a short time,

but he is associated with good rule and the building of the city of Ram-Hormizd

in Khuzistan. Tabari states that Hormizd had been appointed as the ruler of

Khurasan and because of his fearlessness and extreme loyalty to Shabuhr was

chosen as heir to the throne. He may have shown a military talent, like his

father, during Shabuhrs campaign in the 260s which gave reasons for the king

to appoint him as heir. He was chosen over his elder brother Narseh, who in the

Shabuhr Ka』be-ye Zardosht inscription was called king of Sistan (Sagan-sah).

Religiously, again it is not clear why Hormizd I allowed Mani to preach his

message freely and also let Kerdir continue his activity, giving him new ranks

and titles. This may have been part of his campaign of dual containment,

controlling both religions that were attempting to dominate the region. Wahram

I (271-274 CE) also had a relatively short rule, but we have more information

about him and his eventful career.

He was the eldest son of Shabuhr I, but had been bypassed by Hormizd. He had

been appointed as the king of Gilan by his father. Initially, Kerdir appears to

have backed his succession and consequently the Zoroastrian priesthood and the

person of Kerdir benefited from his enthronement. In 274 CE Mani was sent from

the east to present himself to Wahram, and we have a ManichCEan text which

describes the harsh treatment of the prophet. He was scolded as not being a

good doctor nor having any benefit, and Wahram oxdered his arrest and

imprisonment.

下一任國王是霍爾木茲一世（西元270-271年），他也許是沙普爾一世最年輕的兒子。他登基後只統治了很短的時間，但他被認為是優秀的君主，而且在胡齊斯坦建造了拉姆-霍爾木茲城。塔巴里記述：Tabari說霍爾木茲被指定為呼羅珊的統治者，而且由於無所畏懼和對沙普爾的無限忠誠而被選擇為國王的繼承者。在260年代的沙普爾的戰役期間，他也許表現出和他父親一樣的軍事天賦，這使得國王有理由將他指定為繼承人。他的繼承順序在他的哥哥納塞赫之前，後者在沙普爾的Ka』be-ye Zardosht的銘文中被稱為錫斯坦之王（Sagan-sah）。在宗教上，霍爾木茲一世允許摩尼自由傳教的同時讓科爾迪爾繼續他的行動並且授予他新的職位和頭銜。這也許是他的雙方相互牽制的策略的一部分，這樣來控制這兩個試圖統治這個王國的信仰的宗教。巴赫拉姆一世（271-274）的統治也非常短暫，但關於他的信息和多事的生涯我們了解得還是比較多的。他是沙普爾一世的長子——雖然霍爾木茲比他先即位。他的父親封他為Gilan王。之後科爾迪爾在他幕後支持他即位，因此索羅亞斯德教與科爾迪爾從中受益匪淺。274年，摩尼被從東方喚到萬王之王身前，一個摩尼教文本向我們敘述了之後他們的先知受到了殘酷的折磨。他們譴責摩尼既沒有所說的那麼知識淵博，也於人無益，接著巴赫拉姆下令將其逮捕收監。

Wahram II

came to the throne in 274 CE and may have needed Kerdirs support in bypassing

Narseh, who was now the Great King of Armenia, and it is in this period that

Kerdir begins his real ascent to power. Kerdir also began the persecution of

the non-Zoroastrians in the empire, such as the Jews, Christians, ManichCEans,

Mandeans and Buddhists.

在274年，巴赫拉姆二世繼位。他也許需要科爾迪爾的支持來繞過現在是亞美尼亞大王的納塞赫，這使得科爾迪爾開始了他真正通往權利的陽關大道。科爾迪爾也開始迫害帝國內的非瑣羅亞斯德教教徒，比如，猶太人，基督徒，摩尼教徒，曼達教派和佛教。

During the

rule of Wahram II (274-293 CE), Kerdir achieved higher rank and status, and it

is during this period that the Sasanian kings lost much of their religious

power as caretakers of the Anahid fire temple to Kerdir, making him the judge

of the whole empire. This meant that from now on, the priests acted as judges

throughout the empire and probably court cases were now based on Zoroastrian

law except when members of other religious minorities had disputes with each

other. More will be said of these developments in the chapter on religion.

Wahram II is the first ruler to have a family portrait struck on his coins. On

the drahms (silver coins), he is shown with his queen Shabuhrdukhtag who was

his cousin, and his son, Wahram III.

He also had several rock-reliefs carved as memorial with his family. This is an

interesting feature of wahram II in that he was very much concerned to leave a

portrait of his family which incidentally gives us information about the court

and the Persian concept of the royal banquet (bazm).

巴赫拉姆統治時期（西元274-293年）科爾迪爾獲得了更高的職位和地位，而且在這一時期薩珊諸王失去了許多宗教權力，比如阿娜希塔聖火神廟的保護者這個頭銜就被送給了科爾迪爾，這使得後者成為整個帝國的法官。這意味著從這時起祭司們扮演著整個帝國的法官的橘色，而且也許法庭的裁判現在要基於瑣羅亞斯德教的法律，其他宗教少數派成員互相之間的衝突則有可能例外。在這個章節中，關於宗教的發展需要大書特書。巴赫拉姆二世是第一個在錢幣上印有家庭畫像的統治者。在第納爾銀幣上，他，他的妻子也是他的表妹Shabuhrdukhtag和他的兒子一起出現。巴赫拉姆二世非常在意於他的家庭的畫像是個有意思的點，這樣我們對宮廷和波斯概念的皇室宴會也有所瞭解。

This

included wine drinking, feasting, music and games being played before the king

and the courtiers as evidenced not only from the rock reliefs, but also the

silver dishes from the Sasanian period. While the term bazm means

"feast," the Armenian sources give us its true use during the

Sasanian period. (Armenian) bazmoc`k` "to recline," meant a

banqueting-couch which the nobility and the king used during feasting at the

court. The courtiers would recline on cushions (ba?）

where the number of the cushions signified their importance in the court. Some

of these banqueting couches had room for two people, referred to as taxt or gah

where ones proximity to the King of Kings showed his/her honor and closeness

to him.Naturally, those whose taxt or gah was further from the king, signified

their lesser rank, and if moved further, was a sign of demotion and disgrace.

These portraits may also have been a means of justifying Wahram IIs succession

over Narseh who by now must have been quite dissatisfied from being bypassed

several times, although he was the Great King of Armenia, a title reserved for

the heir to the throne. Wahram IIs precarious situation is also clear because

of the revolt of his brother Hormizd in Sistan in 283 CE. Although the

chronology of the events are not clear, we are told that Hormizd was supported

by the Sistanis, Gilanis and the Kushans (Rufii) in his campaign against Wahram

II.This was not the only problem that Wahram II had as we hear of religious

strife as well, namely in the province of Khuzistan led by a certain mowbed who

held power there for some time.

皇家宴會包括有國王和朝臣面前的飲酒，宴席，音樂和遊戲，這得到岩石浮雕和薩珊時代的銀盤的驗證。亞美尼亞資料告訴我們在薩珊時代關於意為宴席的單詞bazm的真正用法。（亞美尼亞語）bazmoc`k`（斜躺）意味著在皇室宴會期間貴族和國王所使用的宴會睡椅。朝臣們會斜躺在墊子上，而墊子的數量則標識著他們在宮廷中的重要性。一些宴會睡椅有足夠兩個人的空間，這些睡椅被稱taxt或gah，而且被放置在眾王之王附近，這顯示了其上的人的榮耀和同國王的親近。自然的，那些遠離國王的睡椅上的人地位較低，如果離得更遠，那就意味著降職和恥辱。這些畫像也許也是證明巴赫拉姆二世越過納塞赫去繼承王權的一種方式，後者雖然有預留給王位繼承人的頭銜偉大的亞美尼亞之王，但是在繼承順序上已經被忽略了數次。巴赫拉姆二世所面對的不穩定局面也是明顯的，因為他的哥哥霍爾木茲在283年在錫斯坦反叛。雖然時間順序並不清楚，我們得知霍爾木茲有錫斯坦人，古蘭人和貴霜人（(Rufii)）支持他去對抗巴赫拉姆。這並不是巴赫拉姆的唯一的問題，我們還知道有一些宗教衝突—也就是說，在胡齊斯坦行省中某個麻葛在一段時間內奪取了權利。

Plans had already been made by Emperor Probes to invaded the Sasanian

territory, but he died and so Carus begun the war and invaded Mesopotamia,

laying siege to the capital Ctesiphon while Wahram II was in the East, but he

died in Mesopotamia in 283 CE, The next emperor, Diocletian, who had to deal

with the internal problems of Rome, made a treaty with Wahram II which

demarcated the Perso-Roman borders. Now Wahram II could deal with his brother,

Hormizd, and Diocletian was able to focus his attention on the reforms in his

empire, bringing order to an otherwise chaotic Roman realm. This treaty divided

Armenia among the two powers and left western Armenia in the hands of Tirdat

(Tirdates IV) while Narseh ruled over greater Armenian (there after called

Persarmenia). By 293 CE, when Wahram II died, his rival Hormizd had been

pacified in the east, but dynastic squabbling continued.Wahrams son, Wahram

III who was known as King of the Sakas (sagan-sah),was brought to the throne by

one faction, perhaps with the backing of Kerdir, Adur-Farrobay, king of Meshan,

and Wahnam, son of Tartus. But Narseh was not going to be bypassed again. He

left for Mesopotamia and was greeted by a group of the nobility and men who had

given their allegiance to him.We do not know what happened to Wahram III, but

Wahnam was captured and executed and Narseh finally became the King of Kings.

羅馬帝國皇帝普羅布斯Probes已經做好了入侵薩珊領土的計畫，雖然他死了，但卡魯斯皇帝Carus開始了戰爭，他入侵了美索不達米亞，圍攻首都泰西封，而巴赫拉姆二世此時在東部。之後，卡魯斯在西元283年死於美索不達米亞。而下一個羅馬皇帝戴裡克先不得不去解決羅馬內部的事務，因此同巴赫拉姆二世簽訂了條約來確定波斯-羅馬的邊界。現在巴赫拉姆二世可以解決他的哥哥霍爾木茲，而戴裡克先能集中精力於他帝國內的改革，為混亂不堪的羅馬，領土帶去秩序。這個條約把亞美尼亞分割成兩部分，而梯利達特（梯利達特斯四世）擁有西亞美尼亞，而納塞赫統治更大的東部亞美尼亞（之後被稱為波斯亞美尼亞）。到了西元293年，巴赫拉姆二世去世時，他在東方的對手霍爾木茲已經平息，但是從王朝紛爭再繼續。當時是薩卡之王的巴赫拉姆的兒子巴赫拉姆三世被一方勢力推上王位，大概是科爾迪爾，邁沙之王阿杜爾·法勒貝和塔爾圖斯之子巴赫那邁推上去的。但是納塞赫這次沒有再次被奪位。他前往美索不達米亞，而且得到一群向他效忠貴族和人們的歡迎。我們並不清楚巴赫拉姆三世怎麼樣了，但是巴赫那邁被俘虜和處死了，而納塞赫最終成為了眾王之王。

Again Narseh

has blessed us by leaving his personal attestation at Paikuli in northern

Mesopotamia. It is a biography and a narrative justifying his succession to the

throne, in which it is related that the nobility and courtiers asked him to

take the throne when he met them. There are similarities between this

inscription and others in the Near East, such as the Behistum inscription of

Darius I and other pre-AchCEmenid ones which has given cause to some to believe

that it is less reliable source. In fact, recently it has been claimed that the

Paikuli inscription may be devoid of much historical information because it

belongs to the genre of epic literature composed since time immemorial in the

ancient Near East. One can not accept this assumption certainly, and while it

can be agreed that the story is told in an epic setting (formula), I do not

know in how many ways a king could relate his story and his campaign. Relating

a story or historical event in a specific form or formula should not

necessarily deplete the story of its historical significance. After all, kings

made war, defeated their enemies, and ruled over their kingdom. These issues in

themselves are the genre that gives cause to a king to commission an

inscription.

再一次，納塞赫在美索不達米亞北部的派庫利留下了他的個人的證明。這個傳記和敘事詩證明了他對王位的繼承，其中涉及了當他和他們見面時請求他登上王位的那些貴族和朝臣。這個銘文和近東的其他銘文比如大流士一世的貝希斯登和其他阿契美尼德時代前的銘文有相似之處，從而一些人相信這並不是可靠的資料。事實上，最近派庫利銘文已經被聲稱也許缺乏許多歷史資訊，因為它屬於和古代的近東地區的自古以來的史詩文學類型。雖然這個故事的確是以史詩模版來講述的，但是這個假設不太讓人接受，因為一個國王能有多少種方式去表達他的故事和戰役呢？特殊模版下的故事或歷史事件並不會減少這個故事的歷史意義。總之，國王們發動戰爭，打贏了他們的敵人而且統治著他們的王國。他們自身的這些問題促使一個國王以一個模版來創作銘文。

It should be

said also that again a constant feature of the Persian civilization represents

itself, as is evident in the Behistun and the Naqsh-i Rustam inscriptions. In

the Paikuli inscription we come across the notion that the enemies of the

rightful king (Narseh, follower of Truth/Order) were followers of Lie

(Demon/Disorder).This binary opposition which is a hallmark of Sasanian

Zoroastrianism worked well for demonizing the kings enemies. Narsehs

rock-relief at Naqshi Rustam is also important in that it shows him receiving

the symbol of sovereignty from the deity, Anahid. Leaving the religious

implications aside, could this mean that politically Narseh was able to regain

the control of the fire-temple of Anahid at Istakhr and was re-orienting his

devotion to this deity at the cost of Kerdirs power？Of

course it is possible that devotion to Lady Anahid was never forsaken, but I

think the mere representation of Narseh along with Anahid may hint at a

religio-political shake-up in the Sasanian Empire. This perhaps reaffirmed the

tradition of Narsehs father and grandfather, Shabuhr I and Ardashir I, and his

own as the original and legitimate rulers who began their campaign around the

cult of this deity.

此外，波斯文明的題材也有其特色的套路，在貝希斯登和納克歇·洛斯塔姆的銘文也是明顯是相似的。在派庫利銘文中，我們可以看出：正統國王（納塞赫，真理/秩序的追隨者）的敵人是謊言（邪惡/混亂）的追隨者。這種二元對立是薩珊的瑣羅亞斯德教妖魔化國王敵人的標誌。納塞赫在納克歇·洛斯塔姆的岩石浮雕也很重要，其中顯示他是從安娜希塔女神手中接過王權的象徵。除去宗教的影響外，這也許意味著在政治上納塞赫能夠重新獲得伊斯塔克爾的阿娜希塔聖火神廟的控制權並且重新確定對這個女神的奉獻來削弱科爾迪爾的權利。當然，也許對阿娜希塔女神的奉獻從未被拋棄，但是納塞赫和阿娜希塔女神一同出現還是可能在暗示薩珊帝國內部在政治和宗教上的換血。這也許是重申納賽爾自己和他的父親沙普爾一世以及他的祖父阿爾達希爾一世的傳統，這些王朝初期的正統統治者是以對阿娜希塔女神的崇拜而開始開創王朝的。

On the foreign front Narseh was less successful. He

declared war on Rome in 296 CE because of Roman meddling in Armenia. While

initially he was able to withstand the Roman forces under Galerius, in the

second battle the Sasanian army was defeated and he lost his wife and http://family.In

298 he negotiated a peace treaty (Treaty of Nisbis) in which in exchange for

his familys return and peace, he ceded parts of Mesopotamia, restoring Armenia

to Tirdat, and the King of Iberia was now to be chosen by the Romans.This Roman

influence in Iberia (Georgia) was to be detrimental to Sasanian influence in

the region, since in 330 CE the Georgian king and nobility adopted

Christianity. Narsehs rule announced a new balance of power among the Romans

and the Persians. This weakness in imperial aspiration may be apparent from the

omission of an-Eran from his titles on some of the coin legends.

在對外政策上，納塞赫沒有什麼建樹。由於羅馬人插手亞美尼亞，他在西元296年同羅馬開戰。他最初擊敗了加萊裡烏斯率領的羅馬軍隊，但是在第二次戰役中，薩珊軍隊被擊敗，而僅以身免的他丟失了王后和家庭。在298年，他簽訂了和平協議（尼西比斯條約），為了換回他的家庭和和平，他割讓了部分美索不達米亞，而且把亞美尼亞還給了梯利達梯，而且伊比利亞的國王現在由羅馬人選擇。羅馬人在伊比利亞（喬治亞）地區的影響力是弱於薩珊的，直到喬治亞的國王和貴族們在西元330年接受了基督教。納塞赫的統治宣告了羅馬和波斯之間的新的平衡。帝國擴張的虛弱也許在他的一些硬幣上的銘文上看出來—他的頭銜上缺少了非伊蘭地區的那些。

THE THIRD CENTURY: AN OVERVIEW三世紀概況

It can be said that in the third century CE the

first two rulers of lranshahr established and organized a Persian Empire from

the province of Persis. Persis in the third century appears to have had a

centrality, not only because it is the first province that all of the early

Sasanian rock reliefs mention, but also because it is the location from where

the family of Sasan rose. From the later sources we also learn that, just like

Constantine in the fourth century, Ardashir I also attempted to establish a

blueprint for a religion, but a religion that he and his ancestors worshipped,

what they called mazdesn or Mazda-worshipping religion, i.e.,

Zoroastrianism.This is the first word that appears on the coins and inscription

of Ardashir and Shabuhr, suggesting their deep devotion and proclamation for

Ohrmazd. Ardashir along with his wise priest, Tosar, sifted through the

existing oral and written tradition kept throughout the empire and especially

in Persis, and began the canonization of the doctrines of what we today call

Zoroastrianism. By the time of Shabuhr I the Romans had realized that a new

power existed in the East which could defeat any Roman army and even kill its

penerals and hold captive its emperor. Shabuhr Is inscription also

demonstrates the fact that the administrative apparatus of the Sasanian Empire

had grown and became more sophisticated. This is to be expected if an organized

and vibrant empire was to exist. Shabuhr I, however, also tried to use

ManichCEism, a religion which seems to have attracted many from different

regions in Asia and the Mediterranean world as an alternative to

Zoroastrianism.While Zoroastrianism was the religion of his father and

forefathers, Shabuhr I understood that in order to have a universal empire, a

universal religion which could cement loyalty to the king and state was much

desired. To be the ruler of Iranians was one matter, but to rue over an-eran,

needed a more universal religion.

可以說西元3世紀，伊朗沙赫爾的頭兩位統治者建立並組織了一個以波西斯行省為源頭的波斯帝國。西元3世紀的波西斯應該是個核心，不僅因為它是所有的薩珊早期的岩石浮雕的所在地，而且因為他是薩珊家族崛起的地方。從後來的資料中我們可以看出，和西元4世紀的君士坦丁大帝一樣，阿爾達希爾一世試圖建立一個宗教的藍圖，這個宗教是他和他祖先所信仰的馬茲達或馬茲達崇拜的宗教即瑣羅亞斯德教。阿爾達希爾和沙普爾的錢幣上的銘文的第一個字表明了他們對奧赫馬茲德的強烈崇拜。阿爾達希爾和他的睿智的祭司托薩一起整理了整個帝國尤其是波西斯的現存的口頭和書面上的傳統，而且開始了我們現在稱之為瑣羅亞斯德教的教義的編撰。到沙普爾一世時，羅馬人已經意識到一個新的力量正在東方崛起，它能夠擊敗任何羅馬軍隊甚至殺死他們的將領並俘虜他們的皇帝。沙普爾一世的銘文也證明了薩珊帝國的政府機構正在擴大並且變得更複雜的事實。如果帝國要有組織的且充滿活力的存在下去，那這些是可以預見的。然而沙普爾也試圖利用摩尼教——一個在亞洲和地中海世界頗受歡迎的宗教——作為索羅亞斯德教的對手。沙普爾很清楚，想要建立一個普世帝國，那麼一個可以塑造對國王和國家忠誠感的普世宗教——比如說他祖先和父親信仰的索羅亞斯德教——是必須的。但是成為伊朗人的統治者是一回事，成為其他非伊朗人的統治者也需要其他的普世宗教。

The growing number of Zoroastrian priests, however,

would not allow this to happen and after Shabuhrs death, under king Wahram I,

Kerdir and company made sure that Mani was stopped and later met an early death

and that the King of Kings remained mazdesn and that the Zoroastrian religion

was spread at any cost to the empire. In a way Kerdir is responsible for the

preservation of the Zoroastrian tradition until its full development under

later Sasanians. Shabuhr I may have begun to imagine that the concept of

Iranshahr would not necessarily be tied to Zoroastrianism, although it had its

origin in that tradition, and that any citizen, i.e., mard i sahr "male citizen"/zan

i sahr "female citizen," wood be able to be considered as Eranagan

"Iranians." This idea would take place in another century or so, but

it was too early for it to take hold in a new empire. The Zoroastrian priests

not only made themselves an important part of the imperial government, but also

would become ever more involved in the day-to-day workings of society. They

also reduced the religious power of the King of Kings, especially after Shabuhr

Is "ungodly" meddling with Mani. If Zoroastrianism was to survive,

it needed to have a hierarchy, a religious tradition in the name of the Avesta,

and its traditions needed to be zealously maintained.While the Wahrams caved

into these demands, Narseh struck back and attempted to make the family of Sasan

the ultimate decision maker. By the end of the third century CE, an eqiulibrium

had been reached between the church and the state and none was able to really

exist without the other or to overtake the other.

然而瑣羅亞斯德教祭司們在數量上的增加是不會允許這樣的事情發生的，在沙普爾死後，巴赫拉姆統治下，科爾迪爾和他的同僚們確保了摩尼被排擠出去之後很快去世。這時的眾王之王依賴馬茲達，而後瑣羅亞斯德教在帝國內不惜代價地傳播開來。某種程度上，科爾迪爾維護了瑣羅亞斯德教的傳統，並使它在之後的薩珊時代進行全面發展。沙普爾一世也許開始認為伊朗沙赫爾的概念雖然脫胎於瑣羅亞斯德教的傳統，但是並不是一定要和瑣羅亞斯德教捆綁在一起。這個想法本應該在下個世紀出現，但是這對於維持一個新帝國而言出現的太早。瑣羅亞斯德教祭司們不僅在帝國政府中有重要地位，而且更多的參與到社會的日常生活中。眾王之王的宗教力量還是不可低估的，特別是沙普爾一世對摩尼教上「多管閒事」。如果瑣羅亞斯德教要生存下去，它必須有一個以《阿維斯陀經》為宗教傳統的統治集團，而且它的傳統必須被狂熱的維持轄區。雖然幾個巴赫拉姆國王陷入了這些要求中，納塞赫反擊了並且試圖使薩珊家族重新成為最終的決策制定者。到了西元三世紀末，瑣羅亞斯德教和薩珊國家達到了平衡點，而且雙方必須依存而且無法決出高下。

Internationally, Rome now had to face a new

and more centralized empire which had specific geo-political agendas and it did

not fear coming into conflict with the Mediterranean empire. The presence of

this Mediterranean empire, centered in Rome, in Syria and more importantly in

Mesopotamia created the notion that it is certainly an imperialistic empire. As

Mesopotamia served as the heartland of the empire with its capital Ctesiphon,

and an agricultural center along with Khuzistan, the presence of the Roman

forts only a short distance to the west made the Sasanians wary. This may be a

prime reason for which early on Ardashir and Shabuhr I waged war on the Roman

holdings in those regions.We are not so clear on the eastern campaigns of the

Sasanians, but it is sure that they were able to establish a strong foothold

there and secure their border against the Kushans.

在國際上，羅馬現在不得不面對一個新的更加中央集權的帝國，後者有著特定的地緣政治，而且它並不害怕和地中海帝國—羅馬帝國進行衝突。這個地中海帝國，存在於羅馬，存在於敘利亞，也存在於更為重要的美索不達米亞——這創造了一個概念：羅馬當然是帝國主義的帝國。隨著美索不達米亞成為薩珊帝國的核心領土和首都泰西封的所在以及和胡齊斯坦一樣的農業中心，離薩珊西部不遠的羅馬堡壘的存在使得薩珊王朝十分警惕。這也許是阿爾達希爾和沙普爾持續對這些地區的羅馬領土發動戰爭的原因，我們並不清楚薩珊在東部的戰役，但是可以確定的是，他們在那裡建立了強大的立足點而且確保他們的邊境足以對抗貴霜帝國。