"模範少數族裔」神話是否對美國亞裔有傷害？

咱們在評論區談論吧！

A Seeming Compliment That Does Great Harm

By Bernadette Lim

Bernadette Lim, a senior at Harvard University, is the founder and executive director of Women SPEAK and a senior adviser of the Harvard Asian-American Women"s Association. She is on Twitter.

For labels that sound so promising in tone, the 「model minority」 and 「Asian advantage」 stereotypes do nothing but render discrimination against Asian-Americans invisible.

Arguments of Asian cultural superiority often try to validate the model minority label: The success of Asian-Americans in the United States is 「a tribute to hard work, strong families and passion for education.」 Positive stereotypes about Asian-Americans are frequently seen as more beneficial than detrimental to the student psyche, in spite of research that these stereotypes harm Asian-American students" mental health and well-being.

The most poignant consequence of the model minority label is its failure to acknowledge socioeconomic and education disparities among the diverse range of communities categorized as Asian-American. Not all ethnic communities under the Asian-American umbrella are advantaged. Southeast Asian-Americans drop out of high school at an alarming rate; nearly 40 percent of Hmong-Americans, 38 percent of Laotian-Americans, and 35 percent of Cambodian-Americans do not finish high school. These Asian-American subgroups, along with Vietnamese-Americans, earnbelow the national average. Sweeping generalizations of Asian-Americans as the 「privileged」 and 「successful」 minority cannot replace unnerving disaggregated data that bring truth to the inequalities that many Asian-Americans face daily.

Often in history, Asian-Americans cultural values have been lauded as a way to enable interracial tension. The term 「model minority」 seems to have been first coined during the Civil Rights Movement in a 1966 New York Times article entitled 「Success Story, Japanese American Style」. The positive stereotype caught on, influencing articles such as U.S. News and World Report』s 「Success Story of One Minority Group in U.S.」 in 1968, Newsweek』s 「Success Story: Outwhiting the Whites」 in 1971, and the Time magazine』s 1987 cover headlining 「Those Asian-American Whiz Kids」. These sensationalized articles similarly argue: if Asian-Americans can 「work hard」 and 「never complain」, why aren』t other racial groups following suit? Cultural normalization and perpetuation of the model minority label operates as a racial wedge that divides Asian-Americans from communities of color while maintaining white dominance in leadership (i.e. the 「bamboo ceiling」) and politics.

Recent affirmative action lawsuits by initiatives such as Project on Fair Representation continue to employ Asian-Americans as racial mascots for the anti-affirmative action debate. These lawsuits outline unfairness in the college admissions process for Asian-American students often in comparison to the academic and extracurricular profiles of their black and Latino counterparts. College admissions should not be framed as a zero-sum game among racial minorities if policies such as legacy preferences that overwhelmingly benefit white students remain unchallenged.

The model minority is yet another myth of meritocracy that reinforces racial hierarchy and shrouds discrimination. It』s time to acknowledge the truth: the model minority does not exist.

看似恭維實則是巨大傷害

貝爾納黛特·林(Bernadette Lim)

貝爾納黛特·林是哈佛大學畢業班學生，也是Women SPEAK的創始人和總幹事，哈佛亞裔女性協會(Harvard Asian-American Women"s Association)的高級顧問。她在使用Twitter。

「模範少數族裔」和「亞裔優勢」的標籤，聽上去似乎美好，但卻只會助長社會對亞裔美國人的隱形歧視。

亞洲文化優越論常常試圖驗證「模範少數族裔」這個標籤的合理性：亞裔美國人在美國取得成功，是美國亞裔人「工作努力，家庭穩固，重視教育」的結果。儘管研究顯示，這些成見有損亞裔美國學生心理健康和幸福，但一些人認為，這種正面的成見對學生的心理健康利大於弊。

「模範少數族裔」這個標籤最嚴重的後果，是把多元的亞裔美國人社區歸為一類，不承認他們之間在社會經濟和教育上的差距。並不是亞裔美國人的所有社區都存在優勢。東南亞裔美國人的高中輟學率高得驚人，近40%的苗裔美國人、38%的寮國裔美國人，以及35%的柬埔寨裔美國人沒有完成高中學業。這些亞裔美國人亞群以及越南裔美國人的收入低於全美平均水平。把亞裔美國人一概而論，說他們是「得天獨厚」和「成功」少數族裔，並不能取代令人不安的事實，正如一些分類數據顯示的，很多亞裔美國人每天都在面對不平等現象。

在歷史上，亞裔美國人的文化價值觀常常被用來製造族裔之間的緊張關係。「模範少數族裔」這個說法，似乎是在民權運動時期，由《紐約時報》1966年的一篇題為《成功故事，日裔美國風格》（PDF版）的文章首次提出的。這種深入民心的正面成見影響了後來的一批文章，比如1968年《美國新聞與世界報道》(U.S. News and World Report)的《一個少數群體在美國的成功故事》，1971年《新聞周刊》(Newsweek)的《成功故事：比白人更白》，1987《時代》(Time)雜誌年封面頭條股市《亞裔美國神童》。這些聳人聽聞的文章一致認為：如果亞裔美國人「努力工作」，「從不抱怨」，為什麼其他種族群體不效仿他們呢？「模範少數族裔」標籤的文化常態化和永固化起到了一種種族屏障的作用，把亞裔美國人和有色人種社區分開，同時又維護了白人在領導層和政治上的支配地位（前者即「竹天花板」）。

最近的平權行動訴訟，比如「公平代表計劃」(Project on Fair Representation)等，也繼續把亞裔美國人作為反平權行動辯論中的族裔吉祥物。這些訴訟指出，大學錄取過程很不公平，在衡量學習和課外活動表現時，經常把亞裔學生和黑人、拉丁裔學生進行不公平地比較。校友子女優先等一些政策向著白人學生有利的方向大幅傾斜，如果這些政策仍然未遭質疑，那麼高校招生不應該成為少數族裔之間的一場零和博弈。

「模範少數族裔」只是又一個強化種族等級、保護歧視行為的謬論。現在是時候承認真相了：「模範少數族裔」並不存在。

Reason for Pride After Overcoming Racism

By Min Zhou

Min Zhou, professor of sociology and Asian-American studies at the University of California, Los Angeles, is now serving as the head of the sociology division of Nanyang Technological University in Singapore and director of its Chinese Heritage Center. She is the co-author of "The Asian-American Achievement Paradox."

The extraordinary success of Asian-Americans, despite the difficulties some nationalities in that group face, serves as testimony that the American Dream is attainable for everyone. Remember, less than a century ago, Asian-Americans were perceived as backward, undesirable and unassimilable aliens, full of filth and vice. They faced blunt racism and endured harsh legal exclusion.

Now they are celebrated for not just a strong work ethic, a respect for elders and a reverence for family, but also for educational, occupational and income attainment.

After sifting through life stories of adult children of Chinese immigrants and Vietnamese refugees for our book, the sociologist Jennifer Lee and I concluded that culture indeed matters but not in a mythical, intrinsically Asian, way. In fact, there isn』t such a thing as 「Asian culture,」 but, rather, a culture of achievement that has been enabled by changes in America』s economy and society, and buoyed by networks of ethnic support.

Massive Asian immigration occurred as America was opening up more opportunities for all Americans, and when the American economy demanded more highly skilled workers.

Asian immigrants, as a group, are more highly educated not only than their compatriots in their home countries but also than average Americans.

While every group may feel the same drive for achievement, the disproportionate number of highly skilled immigrants in the Asian group allows its members to focus narrowly on a few professions predictably attainable via education, such as science, engineering, medicine, and law.

With so many educated, skilled and ambitious members, the group provides role models and creates ethnic capital, such as after-school tutoring and academic enrichment centers in their community, and resources and connections in the larger society . With all this commitment behind them, the children of Asian immigrants are expected to perform exceptionally and to work twice as hard as other Americans. Many have succeeded in doing so.

On the flip side, however, their extraordinary achievements reinforce the model minority stereotype that ends up backfiring, seemingly justifying the idea that race can no longer be a detriment and blaming those who lag behind – or those from less advantaged nationalities -- for their lack of success.

Their achievements as a group also make it harder for individual Asian-Americans to gain entry to their parents』 dream colleges and professions. And cultural expectations may keep them from pursuing what their hearts really desire, or make them feel like failures even if they have achieved much.

克服種族主義值得驕傲

周敏

周敏，加州大學洛杉磯分校(University of California, Los Angeles)社會學、亞美研究教授，目前擔任新加坡南洋理工大學(Nanyang Technological University )社會學系主任、華裔館(Chinese Heritage Center)館長。她是《亞裔美國人成就悖論》(The Asian-American Achievement Paradox)一書的合著者。

儘管一些亞裔面臨困難，但這一族裔取得的非凡成功證明，每個人都可以實現美國夢。別忘了，在不到一個世紀之前，亞裔被視作落後的、不受歡迎且不可同化的外來群體，充斥著污穢與陋習。他們面臨著毫不掩飾的種族主義，經歷了嚴酷的法律排斥。

如今，他們不僅因強烈的職業道德、尊敬長者和家庭而受讚譽，還以教育、職業及收入水平高著稱。

為了我們合寫的這本書，我和社會學家珍妮弗·李(Jennifer Lee)對中國移民及越南難民的成年子女的人生故事進行了研究，我們的結論是，文化確實發揮重要作用，但不是以一種想像中的、亞洲人所固有的方式。事實上，沒有「亞洲文化」這回事，這是一種追求成就的文化，美國經濟及社會的改變促進了這種文化，同時它也得到了族裔支持的鼓舞。

當美國向所有美國人提供更多機會，而美國經濟又需要更多高技術工人時，大批亞洲移民來到美國。

亞洲移民作為一個群體，受教育程度不僅高於其本國同胞，也高於普通美國人。

每個群體都有可能感受到這種追求成就的驅使，但亞裔群體中高技術移民佔據格外高的比例，使得其成員側重於幾個通過教育能夠獲取成功的專業，比如科學、工程、醫學及法律。

由於擁有眾多受過良好教育、有技能、有抱負的成員，亞裔成為一種榜樣，並在亞裔社區創建了課後輔導及學術活動中心等族裔資本，在更大的社會中創建了資源和關係。有了這些有力的支持，亞裔移民的子女將會表現出色，工作會比其他美國人更加努力。很多人成功地做到了。

然而，另一方面，他們的卓越成就強化了「模範少數族裔」的刻板印象，產生了事與願違的效果，讓人可以堂而皇之地認為種族身份不再是一種損害，並指責那些落後的人——或不那麼有優勢的民族群體——缺乏成功。

亞裔作為一個群體取得的成就，也使得亞裔個體更難進入其父母夢想的大學和職業。這種文化期待可能阻止他們追求內心真正的渴望，或使他們感到失敗，即便他們已經取得很多成就。

It Isn』t Easy Being an Asian-American

Kim Wong Keltner

Kim Wong Keltner is the author of "Tiger Babies Strike Back: How I Was Raised by a Tiger Mom but Could Not Be Turned to the Dark Side."

The term "model minority" both dismisses an individual"s hard work, blood, sweat and tears, and keeps other races down. At first it sounds like a compliment, but it"s not.

If a bully is about to beat me up but thinks twice because Bruce Lee movies make him or her think all Asians know kung fu, then I benefit from that false assumption. While that might make me temporarily glad, in the long run, it"s just another step in the gantlet of Asian stereotypes: math nerd, geisha, dragon lady.

The expectation of success in itself is a problem. Princeton University has already produced a study that shows in college admissions, Asians need higher SAT scores. Moreover, if you have great grades, but not supersonic, epic, straight A-pluses in all AP classes, you are just considered a loser. By your own family. Asian kids of America, you are more than your grade point average and your accomplishments on paper. Asian parents, some of you are driving your kids to suicide. So lay off!

At the same time, discrimination against Asian-Americans is alive and well. The idea that we are advantaged comes from a place of fear. Fear that we are "taking over." It"s a new Yellow Peril, repackaged. No matter what designer clothes, Ph.D.s, or other signifiers of success adorn us now, we are still seen as "other."

We who have suffered all share the sentiment Morticia Addams uttered with sang froid, 「We gladly feast on those who would subdue us.」 But hey, here"s an obstacle many Asian-Americans don"t realize until too late in the game: It"s lonely at the top. If we are going to be truly successful we need to consider not just diplomas and salaries, but our ability to express compassion and affection. Don』t forget to have a life. And friends.

Let』s redefine success to include our emotional reality. The advantage of experiencing real human connection blows all that other stuff out of the water.

A Bamboo Ceiling Keeps Asian-American Executives From Advancing

Buck Gee

Buck Gee is an executive adviser to Ascend, a pan-Asian professional organization. He retired in 2008 as an executive with a Fortune 100 tech company.

In 2006, I was working at my desk when I realized I was one of the few Asian-American vice presidents in a Fortune 100 company. Until then, it had never occurred to me to notice how few Asian-American executives I had met in the Bay Area although Asian-Americans had become over 30 percent of the employees in many companies. Was there an Asian 「bamboo ceiling」?

Reaching out to other Asian-American executives, I heard the same story in other companies and business sectors across the country. In fact, a recent study found that Asian-American men and women were 150 percent less likely than their white counterparts to be an executive in large Silicon Valley companies.

By all standards, I am a success story. Son of a poor immigrant, I had worked hard, graduated from prestigious universities, and never saw one hint of racial discrimination. Yet confronted with indisputable data that Asian-Americans were significantly underrepresented in almost all companies and that there was no relevant facts to suggest otherwise, I had to conclude that a bamboo ceiling exists.

But why?

The stereotype of quiet, talented professionals breeds a widespread assumption that they are ill-suited to be business leaders.

The bamboo ceiling is real, but its roots, and our failure, stem from our success. Because there are elements of truth in the narrative, the idea of the smart, hard-working model minority has created an implicit bias that Asian-Americans are great thinkers and doers but lack the assertiveness, vision and interpersonal skills to be successful organizational leaders. The stereotype of the quiet, talented professional has led to the widespread assumption of an ill-suited business leader.

As important, too many Asian-Americans believe that advancement into higher management is evaluated and rewarded principally for achievement. Although achievement is necessary, it is not sufficient. As part of corporate leadership teams evaluating promotions, I would look beyond achievement for evidence to suggest executive potential, including personal initiative, conflict management or willingness to express an unpopular view.

Fortunately, there is progress. Using a data-based approach and recognizing the existence of a ceiling for their Asian-American professionals, several Bay Area companies have taken measures to address root causes. With affirmative outreach to identify additional high-potential Asian-American professionals and culturally-specific leadership training, they are taking steps to eliminate internal obstacles for Asian-Americans.

Let』s hope more companies can learn.

National Origin Data Would be Helpful in Understanding Asian-Americans

Karthick Ramakrishnan

Karthick Ramakrishnan is a professor of public policy at the University of California, Riverside, and the director of AAPI Data and the National Asian American Survey.

Usually, we think of California as leading the rest of the country on policy innovation, on matters such as environmental protection and immigrant rights. Last week, however, Gov. Jerry Brown of California vetoed a bill pertaining to Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders, putting the state in a backward course when compared to the federal government.

California』s bill, AB 176, would have required public universities to collect and disseminate detailed origin information on Asian-American and Pacific Islander students. The governor』s veto came as a surprise to many of the bill』s backers, particularly since it had gotten support from all of the state』s higher education systems, and near-unanimous support in the state legislature, passing 40 to 0 in the Senate and 77 to 1 in the Assembly.

Differences in nationality can be quite stark on aspects ranging from education and income, to health outcomes and language proficiency.

Brown』s veto also stood in stark contrast to progress on data disaggregation at the federal level. In the last two decades, the U.S. government has significantly improved the provision of granular data on Asian-Americans and Pacific Islanders. For example, the Census Bureau now provides demographic information on 21 detailed categories of Asians and six detailed categories of Pacific Islanders.

While some may view this development simply as an affirmation of ethnic identity, the collection of detailed origin data serves another vital purpose: It gives us the ability to determine how different groups are faring. For Asian-Americans, these differences in national origin can be quite stark, on aspects ranging from education and income, to health outcomes and language proficiency. For example, Vietnamese-Americans have the lowest level of English proficiency (47 percent), while Filipinos and Indians have the highest (78 percent each). These differences, in turn, can help government agencies and nonprofits determine which groups would need language assistance the most, particularly when accessing health care or finding affordable housing.

In his veto message, Governor Brown noted that 「dividing people into ethnic or other subcategories may yield more information, but not necessarily greater wisdom about what actions should follow.」 Most scholars and policy analysts would disagree. Detailed origin data, when combined with sophisticated analysis of different outcomes, can provide a wealth of knowledge on population needs. This knowledge, in turn, can help government agencies and nonprofits deliver services more efficiently.

Of course, this is not to say that Asian-Americans share nothing in common. There are aspects of commonality among them, particularly when it comes to their policy views, as Asian-Americans tend to support higher taxes and more social spending, regardless of national origin. Importantly, however, even this commonality among Asian-Americans cannot simply be assumed; it needs to be proved using evidence that accurately captures the group』s national origin diversity.

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