為什麼有「原子彈下無冤魂」這種說法?

11-24

*不討論美國的做法正確與否
*請著眼於（僅供參考）
1、國家機器與民眾之間的關係
2、國人持有這種心態是否健康

無冤魂是不可能無冤魂的，不然日本左翼人士的血都白流了。

壟斷資本主義的危害論證了馬克思那句：無論哪一種社會形態，在它所能容納的全部生產力發揮出來以前，是決不會滅亡的。所以說日本左翼可以說是撞上了日本資本主義發展的上升期，時運不濟，他們的對手過於強大。

這是一群狡詐的地主門閥與軍事貴族的反動聯合體，最重要的是他們贏得了當權以後的每一場戰爭，獲得了社會的主要財富。那麼這群掌握了主要財富的人，勢必會裹挾一群頭腦中階級觀深重的普通百姓，一起走向不歸的深淵。因為他們才有能力決定國家今後的道路與方向，也才能構建一個完整的秩序。至於這個秩序是法西斯還是社民主義，完全取決於當政者和他們背後的高層。而無論日本左翼如何努力，也沒能完成日本民眾的覺醒，他們就如同俄國的十二月黨人一樣，孤獨而無助。

日本國內後來的情況惡化到了一種什麼程度。那是逮捕和迫害進步人士。結果就是殘剩的進步人士言論紛紛掉頭，支持這個反動政府以求苟全性命。當一個社會只剩下一種聲音，也就不期許其能自救。更不能苛求一群手無寸鐵的底層，以微薄之力對抗整個國家機器。所以我們看到的就是國家機器操縱底層牟取戰爭的暴利，戰後底層苦不堪言而上層依舊在美國的保護下逍遙法外，日子甚至更滋潤。

審問犯人也要分罪行的輕重。有的人必須死，而有的人罪不致死。縱然日本人因為或多或少的參與戰爭都有罪。可是你看看該死的死了嗎？今天還有多少日本高官是當年的決策層的後代，時至今日內外被操控，日本國民如何才能真正覺醒？

不過，投原子彈這個決策是無需商榷的。因為這是當時條件下，結束戰爭甚至可以說是儘力保護更多平民安全的無奈之舉。

吃著滿洲國百姓嘴裡摳出來的白米飯，用著朝鮮勞工挖出來的煤，搶劫全東亞的錢修了遍布全日本的火車，造了磺胺片，修了小學中學。你說你是平民，大米你吃了吧？磺胺片你吃了吧？火車你坐了吧？孩子上中學了吧？從來沒見你抱怨過啊。享受戰爭紅利的時候咋沒看你們對軍國主義有意見嘞？
回頭挨了原子彈，你又無辜了。
行，那你把鐵路拆了還給我們，把大米吐出來，把小學拆了，把你們孩子的腦袋割下來，給華北的文盲安上。算你們無辜。
吃肉的時候，你是皇民。挨打了，你又成了受軍國主義裹挾的無產階級。怎麼啥好事都有你？
官方為了兩國關係考慮宣傳人民無辜論，這咱們應該理解並支持。但你要是真信了，那是不是腦子稍微有點不靈光啊？

為什麼要旗幟鮮明地反對「人民無辜論」？

https://zhuanlan.zhihu.com/p/28796137

我支持這種想法，同時安利大家一部動畫。

《在這世界的角落》

這部動畫在日本非常受歡迎。

不僅是第40屆日本電影學院獎、第26屆法國安納西國際動畫電影節的獲獎作品，還是《龍貓》之後，第二部登頂日本旬報十佳之首的動畫片。

《龍貓》啊！1988年的登頂作品啊！

可以說這是30年來最高的評價，喜愛看動畫的你怎麼可以錯過呢？

然而我看完了，一點都不喜歡。

「以二戰末期的廣島為舞台，講述女主人公小鈴嫁到住在海軍軍港「吳市」的婆家後，經歷幾次空襲拚命生存、積極面對生活的故事。」

這是百度百科講的內容。

狗扯。

給大家簡單介紹一下這部片講什麼吧，此處沒有粗口，請放心。

主角是一個「無知」的女性，影片伊始就介紹了她的婚姻、生活，是平淡而且美好的。嫁到了吳市的她除了像普通女性一般過著柴米油鹽醬醋茶的生活，還要學會應急避難，畢竟這是在軍港。

隨著戰爭加劇，主角一家的日子開始越來越難過，分配的糧食開始減少，進入防空洞的時間越來越多。國家每天分配給他們一家四條沙丁魚作為糧食，當然挖挖野菜、啃啃白米，還是能生活下去的。

劇情的轉折在美軍空炸吳港，女主角的侄女被炸死，女主角被炸斷右手。可是她依然堅強，即便傷殘，也努力地生存下去，和一家人整整齊齊地熬著，儘管再窮，儘管再累，也要活下去，也要戰鬥下去。

後來的事，大家都知道，日本投降了。

只是女主並沒有鬆一口氣，她不覺得和平年代到來是件值得慶祝的好事。

當然了，她是個普通婦人，國家都投降了，她能幹嘛呢？她只有含著淚水，接受美軍糧食支援，好好地過上平淡的生活，好好地過完她的下半生。

片子挺好的，說的日本人戰前、戰時、戰後的平凡生活，好多人當初就宣揚「平凡人面對戰爭殘酷考驗」的旗幟，要求大家將自己帶入到女主視覺，去理解戰爭的真實一面。

我覺得那些人說得挺對的，確實要去理解戰爭真實的一面，汣姐給你講講歷史故事吧。

吳港被空襲，是因為「偷襲珍珠港」是從這開始的，偷襲成功後吳港張燈結綵大肆慶祝，所以美軍來複仇；
即使被空襲，但日本平民依然能夠躲在防空洞內避難，而不是被軍人捉出來屠殺；
日本沒有傳統意義上的普通婦人，「一億玉碎」說的是全民參戰，戰死也不逃；
哪怕是戰敗後，日本平民的生活也沒有太難過，起碼能吃上美軍的殘羹冷飯。

說實在，比起我們，他們的生活好太多了。

可是即便這樣，她們還是覺得不開心，以賣慘來博取同情，何止是說「原子彈下有冤魂」，她告訴我們「雖然我用刀砍了你兩下，可是你沒死，你不慘；但我被刀震到虎口發痛，現在還流血，我好慘」。

總括來說，差不多到「原子彈下全是冤魂」的地步吧。

而這種想法，居然在日本大受歡迎，你數數獲獎數字就知道。

#——————————————

今晚挺有趣的，居然能在知乎討論這個。

「反戰敗」思想在日本沒有落幕，反而甚囂塵上。

反觀我們，居然有人說要有「惻隱之心」「人家已經那麼慘了，要原諒他們」。

大概忘記原子彈爆炸的地方，是侵略國。

有個詞語，叫自食其果。

戰爭中每一個人都是參與者，都在自食其果。

我對現代的日本人沒有憎恨，我們能玩到一塊，聊音樂、談化妝、看動漫都是OK的，我身邊甚至有幾對中日情侶。

只不過一代人一代事，

如果你要求我原諒當年那些侵略者和他們家人，

對不起，在中國，這種原諒意味著背叛。

為什麼會有這種說法？我來講個故事。
有個殺人犯叫日鬼，殺了小明全家，霸佔了小明家所有財產，小明僥倖躲過一劫。小明長大後，也將殺人犯全家滅門。
殺人犯的兒子小日鬼臨死前質問小明，你家人是我爸殺的啊，我家其他人沒有殺人啊，你為什麼一個都不放過？
小明反問小日鬼，你爸殺我全家的時候，你知道嗎？
小日鬼回答，知道。
小明再問，你爸殺人的時候，你攔著他了嗎？
小日鬼回答，沒有。
小明再問，你們全家吃穿住行的錢是怎麼來的？
小日鬼回答，從你們家搶的。
小明再問，你爸在外面殺人的時候，飯是誰給他做的，衣服是誰給他縫的？刀是誰給他磨的？
小日鬼回答，我媽做的飯，我妹縫的衣，我磨的刀。
小明再問，我殺你全家你冤嗎？
小日鬼回答，我不管，我就是冤。
小明不再廢話，一刀砍掉了小日鬼的腦袋，
小明對天怒吼:「冤nmgb！我全家老小被你狗日的爹殺死的時候，怎麼tm的沒人給我們喊冤！」

被舉報摺疊了。我不知道這個回答又惹到什麼人了，看來知乎精日是真多啊。

都要本土決戰，一億玉碎了，還在乎幾顆核彈嗎，你說在法西斯國家民眾是什麼，就是屁股上綁著炸彈去探雷的肉牛啊。他們有思考能力嗎？沒有的。軍國主義體制的政府允許他們思考嗎？不允許。他們當然是冤魂，不是美國的冤魂，是大日本帝國法西斯統治的冤魂，伸冤要去靖國神社啊

這就屬於典型的資產階級語境下的國家主義價值觀。即鼓吹國家的超階級性，認為一個國家的國民不分階級一律為一個整體，認為一個國家的意志（或者主流社會輿論）可以代表全國各階級的利益。可以說當代中國的這類思潮正是列寧所說的「小資產階級的狹隘民族主義」。（《列寧選集》第三卷）。

如果你認為全體日本人都有罪，就相當於放棄了馬列主義的階級分析法，認同了資產階級語境下的那套以民族和國家為界限劃分敵我的思維邏輯；認同「小資產階級狹隘愛國主義」的敘事；就是在給那些欺騙日本無產階級群眾去為其帝國主義事業充當炮灰的真正的昭和法西斯分子洗地！（讓這幫軍國主義分子和戰爭販子有理由為自己辯護：「看啊，我們發動侵略戰爭是全體國民的共同選擇，可不是我們自己的罪過喲！要怪也不能怪我們，我們只是順應了人民的意願。」）

不能將被壓迫被欺騙的日本無產階級民眾和由反動軍閥、財閥組成的法西斯政府區分開；意識不到軍部和財閥才是把日本全體國民帶入這場法西斯侵略戰爭的罪魁禍首；承認「原子彈下無冤魂」。也就相當於否定了「世界反法西斯戰爭」的正義性，否定了推翻反動的法西斯政府以解放受法西斯主義壓迫和矇騙的人民的目標，將反對日本帝國主義壓迫的戰爭看作是（或者說曲解為）民族復仇戰爭，消解了其革命敘事。屬於一種狹隘民族主義主義觀點，甚至可以說是一種潛在的軍國主義理論。請注意：抗日戰爭一方面是中國人民反抗帝國主義勢力壓迫的民族解放鬥爭；另一方面也是底層無產階級人民在共產黨的帶領下打擊國內外反動勢力，逐步奪取革命領導權的鬥爭。並不是像第一次世界大戰那樣的民族復仇戰爭和帝國主義爭霸戰爭。因此絕不能將敵對國家/民族的全體人民視為敵人，否則便是否定了自身的革命合法性！

當然我知道說到這裡肯定有人要說：因為日本人民為侵略者提供了武器和兵員，間接幫助了侵略，所以他們是我們的敵人。那按照這個邏輯，日佔區的中國老百姓也是敵人，因為他們也在支持著日軍的侵略行為（包括但不限於為其提供糧食、兵員和勞動力）。當然你也可以反駁：日佔區老百姓不是敵人（因為他們是中國人，是我們的同胞），那這就是又回到了資產階級語境下的民族國家邏輯------即以民族和國家作為劃分敵我的界限。認為「非我族類，其心必異。」實際上這個邏輯是非常經不起推敲的。關東軍士兵伊田助男可以為了反對法西斯主義侵略戰爭而自殺（並且給抗聯送子彈），共產國際的高級特工尾崎秀實為反法西斯同盟送來了大量絕密情報。他是中國人民的朋友（當然咯，按照民族主義的觀點，他們對於日本是「賣國賊」）。而梯也爾卻可以為了鎮壓人民革命，勾結侵略法蘭西的普魯士人；閻錫山也可以為了保住自己的統治地位勾結日寇（乃至簽下《汾陽協定》這樣的賣國條約）；張學良可以為了保住自己的軍隊一槍不放撤離東三省；蔣介石為了剿共也可以大搞對日妥協，聲稱「攘外必先安內」，正所謂「千古奇冤，江南一葉。」作為一個平頭老百姓，你憑什麼覺得「寧予友邦，不予家奴」的反動統治階級（國民政府及其背後的軍閥、財閥勢力）是我們的盟友（實際上這些老爺們除了和你說一樣的語言之外和你有任何共同點么），而敵對國家內和我們一樣被反動的統治階級所剝削、所壓迫、所欺騙的普通勞苦大眾是我們的敵人？

這就回到了列寧同志的觀點：小資產階級是最愛國的，而大資產階級往往是口頭上的愛國主義，行動上的帝國主義/投降主義。這類所謂的「愛國主義」是一種反映小資產階級民族偏見的錯誤思潮，是國際資產階級欺騙、渙散和瓦解國際無產階級隊伍的慣用手段，是無產階級世界革命取得勝利過程中，必須克服的最大障礙。

既然這樣，我想問問支持「原子彈下無冤魂」說法的諸位答主。按照你們這種國家主義邏輯，如果你認為日本這個國家從上到下就該是一個整體，一種意志。日本發動侵略戰爭就是全體國民的共同選擇和共同意志。那麼人家日本人愛自己的祖國並為之獻出生命，在愛國主義者們看來應該是天經地義的。有什麼可批判的呢？他們大肆屠殺中國人民，在中國的土地上欠下累累血債，對於中國人民來說自然是罪大惡極，但是對於他們自己的祖國來說這是「愛國」舉動啊。這是為了「皇國」能夠達成「八紘一宇」的偉大目標啊！那些和中國人民並肩戰鬥反對日本帝國主義侵略的反戰同盟成員竟然背叛自己的祖國，豈不都是日奸、賣國賊？那些拋頭顱灑熱血的抗日英雄們和犯下滔天罪惡的法西斯侵略軍豈不是同為愛國志士，分歧只在於各為其主？這難道不是替法西斯洗白？把日本人支持和參加帝國主義侵略戰爭的行為視為「愛國主義」的表現？

對於那些拿美國投彈的飛行員的說辭來試圖證明日本人都有罪的。我想問一句，美帝國主義真的就比日本乾淨多少？劊子手給自己開脫的說辭都能被奉若圭臬，也是很服氣。
這裡還是引用一段馬督工@馬前卒的論述，以便更好的說明這個問題。

https://www.zhihu.com/question/35225468/answer/73880244

9月3日全國放假，北京有大閱兵，幾乎每個機構都有自己的紀念活動，每個媒體都要搞自己的抗日專題。偶然帶兒子去一趟地質博物館，也能碰到抗日展覽——日本侵華掠奪礦產資源資料展。要問我對系列的活動中哪一點最滿意，我想來想去，答案是紀念活動的名字用的好——中國人民抗日戰爭暨世界反法西斯戰爭勝利70周年。

為何我認為這個老名字好？因為這個名字並沒有讓中國人民去紀念最近幾年常說的「二戰」。第二次世界大戰包含了很多帝國主義爭霸、法西斯主義內戰的野蠻成分，並非所有的盟軍都像新四軍、八路軍一樣，能無愧於「師出有名」四個字。比如說對抗德國納粹的波蘭薩納奇軍政府，本身也是反猶反共的法西斯政體，1944年還盲動誇大華沙起義的力量對比，鼓動數萬市民用生命為自己爭權，這戰事或許有反侵略色彩，卻肯定算不上反法西斯。蘇軍攻佔大連固然是幫中國反擊日本侵略者，但戰後司令華西列夫斯基元帥居然到當年日俄戰爭遺址獻花，表示蘇軍實現了沙俄沒能實現的願望——佔領遠東不凍港，霸權主義的色彩掩飾不住。英、法、荷蘭為保衛南亞、東南亞殖民地和日軍大打出手，在殖民地人民看來帝國主義狗咬狗哪有正邪之分。中國人民沒有必要把自己的正義戰爭和這些所謂的盟軍戰事捆綁在一起。

所以，我們不應該泛泛地紀念第二次世界大戰的結束，而是紀念【中國人民抗日戰爭暨世界反法西斯戰爭勝利70周年】。這個名字清晰地點出了「人民抗日」的概念，突出了「反法西斯」主題，符合新中國最根本的政治正確，真正做到了「名正言順」。

https://www.zhihu.com/question/35843217/answer/153172241
還有這個，這是共青團中央這個號難得的一篇高質量答案。@共青團中央

馬克思在《德意志意識形態》中提出了「虛幻共同體」的概念，意思是說，如果一個團體內部存在階級對立，那它就是一個虛幻共同體，因為團體利益本質上是統治階級的利益。民族就是這樣的一個虛幻的共同體。而國家則是階級矛盾不可調和的產物。是統治階級壓迫被統治階級的暴力工具。

「愛國主義，這正是小私有者的經濟生活條件造成的一種情感。」「同無產階級和大資產階級比較，它（小資產階級）是最愛國的。大資產階級比較國際化，小資產階級不大活躍，同其他國家很少聯繫，也沒有捲入世界範圍的商業周轉……」
----《列寧選集》第36卷

「隨著資產階級的發展，隨著貿易自由的實現和世界市場的建立，隨著工業生產以及與之相適應的生活條件的趨於一致，各國人民之間的民族分隔和對立日益消失。無產階級的統治將使它們更快地消失。聯合的行動，至少是各文明國家的聯合的行動，是無產階級獲得解放的首要條件之一。」---《共產黨宣言》卡爾·馬克思

「日本和中國的民眾從來是兄弟。資產階級欺騙民眾，用他們的血來畫開一條界線，並且仍然在畫著。
然而無產階級及其先驅者們，卻正用血來沖刷著這界線。
小林同志之死，便是其實證之一。
我們知道，我們不會忘卻。
我們將堅定地沿著小林同志的血路攜手前進。」
——日本無產階級文學奠基人、著名左翼進步作家小林多喜二於1933年2月20日被反動當局拷打迫害致死，魯迅先生致電哀悼。

「小資產階愛國主義」是「由於千百年來各自的祖國彼此隔絕而形成的一種極為深厚的感情」（《皮梯利姆·索羅金的寶貴自供》）。不僅是不同國家與民族之間隔絕、封閉的產物，而且是商品經濟不發達的產物，是小資產階級狹隘、封閉的意識觀念的反應。在資本主義的帝國主義階段，「小資產階級的愛國主義」往往積極為「大資產階級的帝國主義」充當打手，這個問題還是列寧他老人家看的透徹。如今改革開放後新一代的人已經習慣了資產階級語境下以「國家」與「民族」為主體的敘事方式，不知「國際主義」為何物，不明白「親不親，階級分」的道理，不懂得「團結該團結的人」。因此在論述中自然而然的通過神化「國家主義」、「民族主義」這類資產階級語境下的價值觀的地位（實際上這些思潮都是人類進入資本主義社會後的產物，並非是什麼古已有之的信仰，更不是終極自然法則）來佔據道義的制高點，把控話語權，鼓吹什麼「民族利益高於一切」。彷彿保衛這條界線是天經地義的事情一樣呢。當然，我還是那句老話：

「全世界無產者，聯合起來！」

說好的一億玉碎呢？

說好的七生報國呢？

說好的為了天皇陛下獻身呢？

為什麼你會那麼熟練啊？明明說好的是大家一起都去死啊。

日本人民應該感恩，感謝美國爸爸投下了原子彈，讓瘋狂的軍人們看清楚了無論如何都會被最終毀滅的事實，本來日本的一億國民已經被日本軍國主義綁票綁上了通往毀滅的地獄列車，兩顆原子彈落下，野獸的眼神中恢復了最後一絲清明。

1945年3月，美軍登陸日本佔據的中國藩屬國沖繩（敲黑板，根據開羅宣言，沖繩地位未定），沖繩戰役展開，在長達3個月的慘烈戰鬥中，多達14萬沖繩居民或自願或在日本士兵刺刀的強逼下被迫加入戰場，或倒在美軍的炮火之下，或被發給了手榴彈強逼自殺，或被搶走了糧食活活餓死，或者無意義的消耗在了各種戰鬥輔助中，日本人用最瘋狂的武士道詮釋了什麼叫玉碎，也詮釋了什麼叫欲要毀滅必先瘋狂。

沖繩戰役結束後，沖繩土著五不存一，戰後大量外地日本人移居沖繩，才讓這個美麗的島嶼重新煥發生機，你們的老婆Gakki醬就是戰後在沖繩長大的。

美軍震驚了，根據沖繩戰役傷亡率的計算，進攻日本本土至少還要付出100萬盟軍將士的傷亡，與此同時，將有至少1000萬-2000萬日本人玉石俱焚。

日本人害怕么？他們可一點兒都不怕呢，甚至樂觀的考慮如何與登陸的美國鬼畜決一死戰。上到皓首老人，下到婦孺兒童，根據日本軍部向天皇的報告，都已經做好了本土決戰的準備！

就憑著這些三寸丁？就憑著這些竹刀竹槍？他們是傻么？

不，他們一點兒也不傻，八年前，他們為佔據南京狂歡遊行過，四年前他們為珍珠港大勝高呼聯合艦隊萬歲，他們實實在在的享受著日本軍刀在整個亞洲整個太平洋掠奪的戰爭利益！經濟不景氣被趕跑了，支那下等人被擄來做勞工，大日本帝國戰無不勝！這樣無上的榮光里，一億日本人都沉浸在何等的迷夢中啊！

日本人自詡亞洲的解放者，他們看到了溥儀、汪精衛等滿洲中國頭面人物來日本親自感謝日本的解放，他們自覺在英美鬼畜手中解放了全亞洲。

只是美國鬼畜狡詐，居然一步步的打破了絕對國防防禦圈，向日本本土逼來，按照日本中二少年漫畫的套路：「我不是天生的王者，但我骨子裡流動著讓我不低頭的血液！」「人究竟什麼時候會死？人只有被遺忘的時候才會死！」

無上榮光，極大戰意，看啊，天邊的敵人密密麻麻，在我之前，絕無敵手，紅蓮突破，天元之眼！

對，1億日本人，就陷入了這樣的瘋狂，即使有一些還清醒的日本人，即使有平和的日本人，我相信軍部也一定能趕著這些非國民上戰場的。

已經決意戰死的人！

已經被軍隊決定拿來犧牲保衛大日本帝國的人！

被原子彈炸死算冤魂么？

他們會死於野馬的俯衝掃射

他們會死於密蘇里怒吼的炮火

他們會死於湯普森無情的火網

也許還會死在復仇的中國人民槍口下

新一軍、新六軍等精銳國軍已經做好了加入進攻日本本土的準備。

所以說這樣被驅趕著上前線然後被打死，和被原子彈炸死有區別么？

他們都是要為了大日本帝國而去死的人啊。

日本軍國主義欺騙了他們。

即使他們在地獄裡醒悟過來，要報仇的對象也應該是那些戰犯。

時過境遷。

70年後，我們討論原子彈下無冤魂，有些人聖母病發作，討論我們不應該屠殺平民。

我們不曾屠殺他們

我們只是把他們從日本法西斯的蹂躪下解救出來。

以下文字是美國退役空軍少將查爾斯·斯文尼1995年5月11日在美國國會發表的演講，當年正是他親手向廣島投下了原子彈，我認為他這篇演說完美說明了投下原子彈是否有必要。

我是美國退役空軍少將查爾斯·斯文尼。我是唯一一位參加了兩次對日本原子轟炸的飛行員。在對廣島的轟炸中，擔任駕駛員蒂貝茨上校的右座領航員，在對長崎的轟炸中，任編隊指揮員。

作為唯一一個參與兩次對日本原子轟炸的飛行員，我將陳述本人親身經歷的往事。我要強調指出，我所陳述的都是無可爭辯的事實，而有些人就是無視這些明顯的事實，因為這些事實與他們頭腦中的偏見不符。

此刻，作為經歷了那段歷史的人們，我要陳述我的思考、觀察和結論。我相信杜魯門總統作出的對日本使用原子彈的決定不僅符合當時的情況，而且具有壓倒其他可能選擇的道義上的必要性。象我們這一代絕大多數人一樣，我最不希望發生的一件事就是戰爭。我們作為一個民族不是騎士，我們不渴望那種輝煌。當我國正在大蕭條中掙扎時，日本開始了對鄰國的征服－－搞什麼「大東亞共榮圈」。法西斯總是打著漂亮的旗幟去掩飾最卑鄙的陰謀。

這種「共榮」是通過對中國進行殘酷的總體戰進行的。日本作為一個國家，認為自己命中注定要統治亞洲，並由此據有亞洲的自然資源和廣袤土地。未有絲毫的憐憫和猶豫，日本屠殺無辜的男人、女人和孩子。在慘絕人寰的南京大屠殺中，30萬手無寸鐵的平民被屠殺。這是犯罪。

這是事實。

日本認為美國是阻止其實現在亞洲的「神授」命運的唯一障礙。於是日本對駐紮於珍珠港的美國海軍太平洋艦隊進行了精心策劃的偷襲。偷襲時間定於一個星期天的早晨，因為此時行動可以最大限度地摧毀艦隊實力、消滅人員，給予美國海軍以致命的打擊。

數千名美國水兵的生命湮滅於仍然沉睡在珍珠港灣底的美海軍亞利桑那號軍艦里。其中的許多士兵甚至不清楚為什麼受到突然襲擊。戰爭就這樣強加在美國的頭上。

科雷希多的陷落及隨後對盟軍戰俘的屠殺，驅散了對日軍獸性的最後一絲懷疑。即使是在戰時，日軍的殘暴也是令人髮指的。巴甘省的死亡進軍充滿恐怖。

日本人認為投降是對自身、對家庭、對祖國、對天皇的污辱。他們對自身和對敵人都不手軟。7000名美軍和菲律賓戰俘慘遭毆打、槍殺、被刺刀捅死，或慘死於疾病和譏餓。

這都是事實。隨著美國在廣闊的太平洋向日本緩慢、艱苦、一步一流血地進軍，日本顯示出自己是冷酷無情、桀驁不遜的殺人機器。無論戰事是多麼令人絕望，無論機會是多麼渺茫，無論結果是多麼確定，日本人都戰至最後一人。為了取得可能大的光榮，日軍全力以赴去殺死儘可能多的美國人。

美軍開進的距日本本土越近，日本人的行為就變得越瘋狂。

塞班島：美軍陣亡3000人，其中在最後幾小時就死了1500人。

硫黃島：美軍陣亡6000人，傷21000人。

沖繩島：美軍陣亡12000人，傷38000人。

這是沉重的事實，凱米卡茲－－即「神風敢死隊」，駕駛裝載炸彈的飛機撞擊美國軍艦。

隊員認為這是天上人間至高的光榮，是向神之境界的升華。在沖繩海域，神風敢死隊的自殺性攻擊要了5000名美國海軍軍人的命。

日本用言語和行動表明，只要第一個美國人蹋上日本本土，他們就處決所有的盟軍戰俘。日本為大屠殺作準備，強迫盟軍戰俘為自己挖掘墳墓。即使在投降後，他們仍然處決了一些戰俘。

這是事實

《波茨坦公告》要求日本無條件投降。日本人認為這是荒唐可笑而不屑考慮的。我們從截獲的密碼得知，日本打算拖延時間，爭取以可接受的條件經談判投降。

在8月6日之前的幾個月里，美國飛機開始轟炸日本本土。一個個日本城市化為火海，成千上萬的日本人死去。但日軍發誓決不投降。他們準備犧牲自己的人民，以換取他們所理解的光榮和榮譽－－不管死多少人。

他們拒絕救助平民，儘管我們的飛行員事先已就可能來臨的空襲投撒了傳單。

在一次為期10天的轟炸行動中，東京、名古屋、神戶、大阪的許多地方化為灰燼。

這是事實

即使在用原子彈轟炸了廣島之後，日本軍部仍然認為美國只有一枚炸彈，日本可以繼續堅持。在8月6日之後，他們有3天的時間用於投降，但他們不。只有在長崎受到原子轟炸後，日本天皇才最後宣布投降。即使在這種情況下，軍方仍聲稱他們可以而且應該繼續戰鬥。一個陸軍軍官團體發起叛亂，試圖截獲並銷毀天皇向日本人宣布投降的詔書。

這是事實

這些事實有助於說明我們所面臨的敵人的本質，有助於認清杜魯門總統在進行各種選擇時所要考慮的背景，有助於理解為什麼對日本進行原子轟炸是必要的。

像每一個男女軍人一樣，杜魯門總統理解這些事實。傷亡不是某種抽象的統計數字，而是慘痛的事實。

原子彈是否結束了戰爭？

是的。

它們是必須的嗎？

對此存在爭議。

50年過去了，在某些人看來日本成為受害者，美軍成為兇殘成性的征服者和報復者；原子彈的使用是核時代的不正義、不道德的起點。自然，為了支撐這種歪曲，他們必然要故意無視事實或者編造新的材料以證明這種論調。其中最令人吃驚的行經之一，就是否認日軍曾進行過大屠殺。

事物怎麼會弄成這個樣子呢？

答案也許會從最近發生的一些事情中找到。

當前關於杜魯門總統為什麼要下達對日本進行原子轟炸的命令的爭論，在某些情況下已演變成數字遊戲。史密斯策劃的「原子轟炸後果」展覽，顯示了卑劣的論調，這種論調造史學界引起軒然大波。

「原子轟炸後果」展覽傳遞出這樣的信息－－日本是受害者，美國是罪惡的侵略者。想像一下如果你的孩子去看展覽，他們會留下什麼樣的印象？他們還會知道事實的真相嗎？

在一個全國性的電視辯論中，我聽到這樣一位所謂的傑出歷史學家聲稱，原子彈是沒有必要的，杜魯門總統是想用原子彈嚇唬俄國人，日本本來已經打算投降了。

有些人提出，艾森豪威爾將軍曾說過，日本已準備投降，沒有必要使用原子彈，然而，基於同樣的判斷，艾森豪威爾曾嚴重低估了德國繼續戰鬥的意志，在

1944年就下結論說德國已無力進行攻勢作戰。這是一個災難性的錯誤判斷，其結果即是阿登戰役的激戰。是役，數萬盟軍毫無必要地犧牲了，並冒著允許德國拖延戰爭和有條件投降的風險。

一個相當公正的結論是，根據太平洋戰爭的情況，可以合理地預期日本將是比德國更瘋狂的敵人。

最後，有一種理論認為，如果盟軍進攻日本本土，我們的傷亡不是100萬，而是只要死上46000人就夠了。只不過是46000！你能夠想像這種論調的冷酷嗎？

僅46000人，好象這些是無關緊要的美國人的生命。

在此時此刻，我要承認，我不清楚在對日本本土的部隊進攻中美軍將會傷亡多少人－－也沒有任何人知道。

根據對日本戰時行為的判斷，我的確認為，一個公正合理的假設是對日本本土的進攻將是漫長而代價高昂的。根據我們所知道的情況，不是根據某些人的臆想，日本不打算無條件投降。

在對硫黃島－－太平洋中一個8平方英里的島礁－－的進攻中， 6000名海軍陸戰隊官兵犧牲，傷亡總數達27000人。

但對那些認為我們的損失僅是46000人的人，我要問：是哪46000人？誰的父親？誰的兄弟？誰的丈夫？

是的，我只注意到了美國人的生命。但是，日本的命運掌握在日本人的手中，而不是美國。數以萬計的美軍部隊焦急地在大洋中等待著進攻－－他們的命運取決於日本下一步怎麼走。日本可以選擇在任何時刻投降，但他們選擇了等待。

而就是日本「無所作為」的時候，隨著戰事的進行，美軍每天傷亡900多人。

我曾聽到另一種說法，稱我們應該與日本談判，達到一個日本可以接受的有條件投降。

我從來沒聽任何人提出過與法西斯德國談判投降。這是一個瘋狂的念頭，任何有理性的人都不會說出這樣的話。與這樣一個邪惡的法西斯魔鬼談判，就是承認其合法性，即使是已經在事實上打敗了它。這並不是那個時代空洞的哲學上的原則，而是人類的正義要求，必須徹底、乾淨地剷除法西斯惡魔的勢力，必須粉碎這些邪惡的力量。法西斯的領導者已經無情地打碎了外交的信譽。

為什麼太平洋戰爭的歷史這麼容易就被遺忘了呢？

也許原因就存在於目前正在進行著的對歷史的歪曲，對我們集體記憶的歪曲。

在戰敗50年後，日本領導人輕率地聲稱他們是受害者，廣島、長崎與南京大屠殺在實質上是一回事！

整整幾代日本人不知道他們的國家在第二次世界大戰中都幹了些什麼。這可以理解為什麼他們不理解日本為什麼要道歉。

與德國認罪的姿態不同，日本堅持認為它沒幹任何錯事，它的行為是受當時局勢的拖累。這種態度粉碎了任何真正彌合創傷的希望。

只有記憶才能帶來真正的原諒，而遺忘就可能冒重複歷史的危險。

通過精心策劃的政治和公關活動，日本現在建議使用「太平洋勝利日」來取代「對日本勝利日」這一術語。他們說，這一術語將會使太平洋戰爭的結束不那麼特別與日本有關。

有些人可能會提出，這些文字能說明什麼呢？對日本勝利－－太平洋的勝利－－讓我們慶祝一個事件，而不是一個勝利。

我要說，話語就是一切。

慶祝一個事件！類似於慶祝一個商場開業典禮，而不是歡慶戰爭的勝利。這將分裂整個地球。數以千萬計的死者、數以千萬計受到身心傷害的人和更多的人將會不知所措。

這種對語言的攻擊是顛倒歷史、混淆是非的工具。文字或話語可以像任何一種武器一樣具有毀滅性：上是下；奴役是自由；侵略是和平。

在某種程度上，通過抹除精確的描述文字而對我們語言所展開的攻擊，要比10年前日本對我們進行的真正的侵略更具有危害性，至少在真正的侵略中，敵人是清楚的，威脅是清楚的。

今天日本巧妙地打起種族主義這張牌，以此來宣示其行為的正義性。日本不是進行罪惡的侵略，而是崇高的，他們用屠殺「解放」了2000萬無辜的亞洲人。我堅信，這2000萬無辜的人，他們的家人，他們的後代，永遠也不會欣賞日本崇高的行為。

經常有人問我，用原子彈轟炸日本是否是出於報復，是否是蓄意毀滅一個古老而令人尊敬的文明。

對此，有如下事實：其一，在最初的轟炸目標清單上包括京都。雖然京都也是一個合法的目標，在先前的空襲中未曾予以轟炸，國務卿史迪文森把它從目標清單中去掉了，因為京都是日本的古都，也是日本的文化宗教中心。其二，在戰時我們受到命令的嚴格約束，在任何情況下，不得轟炸東京的皇宮－－儘管我們很容易識別皇宮並炸死天皇。畢竟我們不是為了報復。我經常想如果日本有機會轟炸白宮，是否也會像美國這樣克制。我認為日本不會。

在此讓我澄清一個事實，糾正一個長期以來的偏見，那就是我們故意選擇人口密集的城市轟炸。我們要轟炸的每一個目標城市都有重要的軍事價值。廣島是日軍南方司令部所在地，並集結了實力可觀的防禦部隊。長崎是工業中心，有兩個重要的兵工廠。在這兩個城市，日本都把兵工廠和部隊配置於市區中心。

像在任何一場戰爭中一樣，我們的目標－－理所當然的目標－－是勝利。這是一個不可動搖的目標。

我不想否認雙方死了許多人，不僅兩國，而且是世界。我不為戰爭的殘酷性而驕傲而歡樂，我不希望我國或敵國的人民受難。每一個生命都是寶貴的。但我的確認為這樣一個問題應該去問日本戰犯，是他們以日本人民為代價追求自身的輝煌。他們發動了戰爭，並拒絕停止戰爭。難道他們不應為所有的苦難、為日本的災難負最終的責任嗎？

也許如果日本人真切地了解過去，認清他們國家在戰爭中的責任，他們將會看到是日本戰犯要負起戰爭的罪責。日本人民應該給遠東人民一個答覆，是誰把災難強加給遠東各國，最後強加給日本自己。當然如果我們與日本人一道抹煞歷史的真相，那麼這一點是永遠也做不到的。

如果日本不追詢並接受真相，日本怎能安心地與自己相處，與亞洲鄰國、與美國相處？

我和我的部屬在執行原子轟炸任務時堅信，我們將結束戰爭。我們並沒有感到高興。而是一種責任感和使命感，而且我們想回到自己的家人身邊。

今天，我站在這裡作證，並不是慶祝原子彈的使用，而是相反。我希望我的使命是最後一次。我們作為一個民族應該對原子彈的存在感到恐懼。我就感到恐懼。

但這並不意味著回到1945年8月，在戰時情況下，在敵人頑固兇殘的條件下，杜魯門總統沒有義務使用所有可能的武器結束戰爭。我同意杜魯門總統的決定，當時以及現在。

戰後幾年，有人問杜魯門總統是否還有其他選擇，他響亮地說：沒有。接著他提醒提問者：記住，珍珠港的死難者也沒有其它選擇。

戰爭總是代價高昂的，正如羅伯特·李將軍所說：「戰爭如此殘酷是件好事，否則就會有人喜歡它。」

感謝上帝使我們擁有原子武器，而不是日本和德國。科學有其自身的邏輯，遲早會有人設計出原子彈。科學不能被否定。關於製造原子彈是否明智的問題，終將被原子彈已被製造出來這一事實所壓倒。

由於德國和日本法西斯被擊敗，世界變得更好了。日本和美國的年輕人不再相互殺戮，而是生長、成家立業，在和平中生活。作為10個孩子的父親和21個孩子的祖父，我可以表明，我很高興戰爭這樣結束。

「勿論、被治者の最低限度の協力なくして、どんな獨裁も成り立たない。」ー丸山眞男。

　沒有被統治者最低限度的配合，任何獨裁統治都是無法成立的。—丸山真男

　當然，丸山真男說這話倒不是為了直接批判日本國民的，他的批判對象仍然是日本國內的反動勢力。在這個基礎上，我們也不要忘了，日本的反動勢力再強大，缺了國民的配合也是不可能這麼囂張的。

當然不可否認的是，日本當然是有有良心的知識分子和左翼的，然而這些人早就被戰前日本主流輿論打成「非國民」了，這些人無論如何都不是戰前日本的主流。國民和國家固然不是直接劃等號的，近現代國家與國家之間的全面戰爭里，國家可是作為一個總體參戰的，在這個語境里，米國鬼畜根本不可能有暇顧及任何一個個體的意識形態然後區別對待的。
假使有無辜的反戰人士死於戰火，那麼首要責任人也應該是把日本拖入全面戰爭的日本當局和其他對戰爭沒有自覺的麻木的民眾，而不是扔下炸彈的人。

所以回到這個問題，原子彈之下有冤魂嗎，當然有。
多嗎？非常少，絕大多數日本人在當時都是體制的自發的維護者。
這些冤魂是誰造就的？是戰前日本體制本身和支撐這個體制的人。

美國人，從一開始，就沒有為日本人謀福利的義務。

「私は、諸君を軽蔑している。このくだらないシステム、この國を支えて來たのは諸君にほかならないからだ！」

過去的戰爭，日本的壟斷資本政府和軍國主義分子應該負責任，日本人民不應該負責任。為什麼不讓日本人民負責呢?如果非要讓日本人民負責，我們就不得不反對日本人民了，這是毫無道理的。過去的戰爭，事實上是一場由壟斷資本政府發起的戰爭：一來違背人民的意願，二來欺騙人民，三來逼迫人民獻身沙場。
——毛澤東會見日本社會黨議員黑田壽男等人時的談話

70多年前原子彈投放的兩個城市，死傷幾十萬全是軍國主義分子，日本人民全部倖存，今天在中東隨便投個導彈死傷全是平民，看來美帝軍事科技萎縮速度驚人，我兔星辰大海指日可待。

這句話本身可以視為一個極右翼的口號，幾乎是沒有什麼智慧和思想性在裡面的。極右翼反極右翼，相當於一戰帝國主義狗嘴互啃，啃到宇宙大航海也不過是換口新牙繼續，沒有任何進步可言

這種網路極右翼的特徵，基本上就是放著新民主主義革命的偉大經驗不學，而以部落民思維代入近代民族國家間的衝突。以武德溢滿歐亞大陸的蒙古帝國為例，「平民為國家戰爭機器負責」在蒙古騎兵西征的過程中體現得非常充分：你們這些草民，守城的時候肯定也出了力的吧，砍頭砍頭！

為了給戰爭暴行找一個冠冕堂皇的借口，納粹至少還編造出了一個血統優越論，軍部參謀至少還編造出了一個大東亞共榮，杜魯門在面對宗教協會關於核武器非人道性的指責時至少還能堅持我就是擔不起登陸的傷亡國家財政就是打不起了。而提出這種口號的網路極右翼甚至連借口都懶得想，少廢話了我就是要滅絕你，怎麼的吧？

這種邏輯是沒有問題的，不過就是過於落後罷了。如果完全跳出來，以局外人的視角來觀察的話，當鼓吹國家超階級性而將對方全部視作應該消滅的目標時，依照同樣的思路對方也將有理由無差別消滅己方。這種以命換命的邏輯甚至給原本的侵略方實施暴行提供了自我防衛的口實：戰爭機器上無冤魂嘛。有一些人吶，張口閉口就是代表正義真理，正義真理的制裁怎麼會有偏頗呢？希望這種人終有一日要被正義真理的時候，還能有此氣勢，不要喊救命。

如果以國共內戰作為例子，則要容易理解得多。「解放區中無冤魂」的爭霸式思維，與團結一切革命力量的先進鬥爭經驗，孰高孰低一眼便知。九十年前能讓起義的反動派軍隊都感到香甜的根據地的空氣，如今怎麼反倒不行了？如果以現在極右翼民族主義分子關於台灣的論調指導解放戰爭，那麼別說國軍的部隊不會起義，連白區的勞動人民都會鐵著頭反抗。

正確是通過自我反省和自我提高得到的，不是通過共同體的自我認同得到的。共產主義事業和你們有什麼關係？怎麼沒有關係，和你們每個人都有關係。有先進理論不去學習，腦子裡全是上上個世紀的霸權思維，從共和國向特帝開倒車，誰也別笑話誰

——————————

舊日本勞動人民受軍國主義政府控制和剝削，是被剝削階級，是可以爭取到統一陣線中來的

用核武器大規模無差別地消滅他們是武斷的、缺少積極意義的，是杜魯門當局打不下去了偷懶的行為。我就順便提一句吧，六日廣島核攻擊之後舊日本帝國並沒有立即投降，九日凌晨蘇聯進攻、九日晝間長崎核攻擊後還是沒有立即投降，直到蘇聯拔掉了半個滿洲斷絕了其頂著各式轟炸謀求最後一點談判空間的幻想之後，軍方少量沒有腦子的參謀還是不想投降，把這撥人打掉之後才正式宣布了接受波茨坦公告

和開口就只有復仇，這都看不懂的人，我沒什麼好說的

——————————

「索多瑪城裡但能找到一個義人，我就不毀滅它」

我個人認為「原子彈下無冤魂」這句話是錯誤的，並不是全錯，有一定道理，錯在哪了？錯在看法的偏激與理解的片面。

眾所周知，「原子彈下無冤魂」是美國空軍退役少將查爾斯.斯韋尼1995年在美國國會發表的演講。

美國空軍退役少將查爾斯·斯韋尼。唯一一位參加了兩次對日本原子轟炸的飛行員，在對廣島的轟炸中擔任駕駛員蒂貝茨上校的右座領航員，在對長崎的轟炸中任編隊指揮員。

網上說此次演講或提到美國的兩顆原子彈，必然會用到「原子彈下無冤魂」這個標題。

奧巴馬廣島演說全文（另附《原子彈下無冤魂》_布魯斯檸檬_新浪博客

讓我們給堅持不道歉的美國總統奧巴馬（美國人）鼓掌。

英文原文：

TESTIMONY OF MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES W. SWEENEY, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE, RETIRED
General Sweeney.:Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the
committee. I am Major General Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air
Force, retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic
missions. I flew the instrument plane on the Hiroshima mission, and
3 days later on August 9, 1945 commanded the second atomic mission
over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military
surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.
Fifty years ago millions of my fellow citizens served our
country in a time of national crisis — a crisis which engulfed our
panel; a crisis in which the forces of fascism were poised to
extinguish the democracies of the world. It was a crisis in which
the forces of evil were clearly defined, or at least I thought so
until last fall when I read the first accounts from the Air Force
Association of the proposed script for the exhibit of the Enola Gay
at the Smithsonian Institution.
It was obvious to me that the Enola Gay was being used to
advance a theory about atomic missions and the United States" role
in World War II that transformed the Japanese into victims and cast
the United States as a vengeful aggressor engaged in a war to
destroy an ancient culture. My first reaction was, as you can
imagine, personal disbelief. I just could not believe that the
Smithsonian, an institution whose very name signifies honesty and
integrity in the preservation of American artifacts, could be so
wrong.
Like the overwhelming majority of my generation I did not want a
war. We are not a Nation of warriors. There is no warrior class, no
master race, no Samurai. Yet during the years when my generation
and our parents were struggling through the Great Depression, the
Japanese were engaged in the conquest of their neighbors. That is
an unfortunate fact of history. Without the slightest remorse or
hesitation the Japanese military slaughtered innocent men, women,
and children. In the end, they would kill over 20 million of their
Asian neighbors.
The sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, timed for Sunday morning to
inflict the maximum loss of ships and human life, thrust the United
States into a war in the Pacific whose outcome then was far from
certain. Seventeen hundred sailors are still entombed in the hull
of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor.
Many, if not all, died without ever knowing why.
The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied
prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the
inhumaneness of the Japanese army even in the context of war.
The Japanese military considered surrender a dishonor to one"s
self, one"s family, one"s country, and one"s God, and thus they
showed no mercy.
This was the true nature of the enemy we faced. This was the
reality which President Harry Truman confronted as he considered
sending yet even more American soldiers, sailors, and airmen into
the horror of the war in the Pacific. Declassified transcripts of
the secret codes which we had broken during the war and were
available to President Truman and his military advisors underscore
the Japanese attitude 50 years ago. The transcripts show the
Japanese had no intention of surrendering unconditionally. They
were stalling for time and fully prepared to continue to sacrifice
their own citizens. And as time passed more Americans died.
The Japanese military was fully prepared to fight on, even after
the Hiroshima mission. In fact, even after the Nagasaki mission,
some Japanese military leaders were still advocating fighting
on.
We know that in a pre-invasion meeting at the White House on
June 18, 1945 Admiral William Leahy predicted to President Truman,
based on the experience of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, 30 to 35 percent
of the 770,000-man invasion force would be killed or wounded in the
first 30 days of an invasion of the Japanese mainland. That
calculates out to about a quarter of a million American men.
President Truman remarked that the invasion would create another
Okinawa from one end of Japan to the other; one of the most
horrendous battles we ever fought. Now it would be expanded the
whole length of Kyushu, the southern island of the four main
islands of Japan.
The Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed. General MacArthur"s chief
surgeon. Brigadier General Guy Dennett, estimated that in the
120-day campaign to invade and occupy only the island of Kyushu,
395,000 casualties would be sustained. For President Truman, for me
and for my crew, the probability of so many casualties was not an
abstraction but a sobering reality.
The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism
failed to conquer. Japan and Germany are better places because we
were benevolent in our victory. The youth of Japan and the United
States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and
have families and grow old. Today millions of people in America and
Japan are alive because we ended the war when we did. This is not
to celebrate the use of atomic weapons. Quite the contrary. It is
my fervent hope that my mission is the last such mission ever
flown. But that does not mean that back in 1945, given the events
of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy. President Truman was
not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the
war.
Now, 50 years later after their defeat, some Japanese officials
claim they were the victims, ignoring the clear evidence of their
own brutality and mind set. Incredibly, how can any American
academic support such a proposition, thus aiding and giving support
to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history
and ours in the process. Such an effort to rewrite.
Now, 50 years later after their defeat, some Japanese officials
claim they were the victims, ignoring the clear evidence of their
own brutality and mind set. Incredibly, how can any American
academic support such a proposition, thus aiding and giving support
to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history
and ours in the process. Such an effort to rewrite history does a
disservice to both countries. There is an entire generation of
Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country"s conduct
during World War II.
......
In the end, what would our children and grandchildren think that
their country stood for? In trying to understand the reason why the
Smithsonian did this I certainly do not get any clue from the
stated reason the director gave for canceling the proposed exhibit.
As I recall, he said the Smithsonian realized that it had been too
ambitious by combining a highly emotional commemorative event for
veterans with an historical analysis. This reason is at best
condescending to the veterans. I suggest that the forcesbehind the
revisionism of our history at the Smithsonian were flat out wrong
in their analysis, and they should have said so.
The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that
collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and
believes about itself and its country. For this reason the facts
must always be preserved. This does not mean debate should be
stifled. It does mean that any debate must be founded upon a
recognition of all the facts. At the Smithsonian there was an
absence of some rather basic facts and a conclusion which was
unsupported by those basic facts.
My fellow veterans and I were impelled to ask how could the
Smithsonian have been so terribly wrong about the true nature and
meaning of the war in the Pacific and the atomic missions?
Fortunately, this threat to our national identity was aired out in
the open because the proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay was so
devoid of factual support. Other historic events may be too subtle
to be seen as clearly. Certainly the country was fortunate that
millions of veterans of the war, and citizens of the United States
who are not necessarily veterans, were still alive to report on
what really happened. I might point to one specific class of
Americans, and they are the ones whose husbands, sons, loved ones
were poised to conduct, to participate in that invasion.
So I come before this committee to ask you as Members of
Congress to do all in your power to protect and preserve the
integrity of the process by which our national identity is formed
and debated. Our history is a precious asset. In a free society
such as ours there must always be an ongoing debate about who we
are and what we stand for.
The key question, however, is what role is appropriate for the
Smithsonian in this ongoing debate and what process is to be
employed in making decisions about historic interpretation at the
Smithsonian? Of course, this assumes that the Smithsonian should
expand its role beyond the preservation and exhibition of
significant American artifacts — American artifacts.
The fact that you are holding these hearings is an encouraging
sign for many Americans that such an inquiry will prevent future
attempts to revise, rewrite, or slant our historical record in any
way by any Government-supported agency. I would like to ask this
committee to help the American people understand how the decisions
as to what history the Smithsonian will display are made. Are these
decisions based on ideology or some agenda, or are they the product
of careful review and presentation of historical facts?
The issue is not that a group of pesky, aging veterans raised
questions about a proposed exhibit. The issue is one of trust. Can
the American people trust the Smithsonian ever again to be
objective and unencumbered by ideology? This is an important debate
and I thank this committee for holding these hearings.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
[The prepared statement of General Sweeney follows:]
Statement OF Major General Charles W. Sweeney, USAF (Ret.)
I am Maj. Gen. Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force,
Retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions.
I flew the instrument plane on the right wing of General Paul
Tibbets on the Hiroshima mission and 3 days later, on August 9,
1945, commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days
after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second
World War came to an end.
The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that
collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and
believes about itself and its country.
In a free society, such as ours, there is always an ongoing
debate about who we are and what we stand for. This open debate is
in fact essential to our freedom. But to have such a debate we as a
society must have the courage to consider all of the facts
available to us. We must have the courage to stand up and demand
that before any conclusions are reached, those facts which are
beyond question are accepted as part of the debate.
As the 50th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki missions
approaches, now is an appropriate time to consider the reasons for
Harry Truman"s order that these missions be flown. We may disagree
on the conclusion, but let us at least be honest enough to agree on
basic facts of the time, the facts that President Truman had to
consider in making a difficult and momentous decision.
As the only pilot to have flown both missions, and having
commanded the Nagasaki mission, I bring to this debate my own
eyewitness account of the times. I underscore what I believe are
irrefutable facts, with full knowledge that some opinion makers may
cavalierly dismiss them because they are so obvious — because they
interfere with their preconceived version of the truth, and the
meaning which they strive to impose on the missions.
This evening, I want to offer my thoughts, observations, and
conclusions as someone who lived this history, and who believes
that President Truman"s decision was not only justified by the
circumstances of his time, but was a moral imperative that
precluded any other option.
Like the overwhelming majority of my generation the last thing I
wanted was a war. We as a nation are not warriors. We are not
hell-bent on glory. There is no warrior class — no Samurai — no
master race.
This is true today, and it was true 50 years ago.
While our country was struggling through the great depression,
the Japanese were embarking on the conquest of its neighbors — the
Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It seems fascism always
seeks some innocuous slogan to cover the most hideous plans.
This Co-Prosperity was achieved by waging total and merciless
war against China and Manchuria. The Japanese, as a nation, saw
itself as destined to rule Asia and thereby possess its natural
resources and open lands. Without the slightest remorse or
hesitation, the Japanese Army slaughtered innocent men, women and
children. In the infamous Rape of Nanking up to 300,000 unarmed
civilians were butchered. These were criminal acts.
THESE ARE FACTS.
In order to fulfill its divine destiny in Asia, Japan determined
that the only real impediment to this goal was the United States.
It launched a carefully conceived sneak attack on our Pacific fleet
at Pearl Harbor. Timed for a Sunday morning it was intended to deal
a death blow to the fleet by inflicting the maximum loss of ships
and human life.
1,700 sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S.
Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many if not all,
died without ever knowing why. Thus was the war thrust upon us.
The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied
prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the
inhumaneness of the Japanese Army, even in the context of war. The
Bataan Death March was horror in its fullest dimension. The
Japanese considered surrender to be dishonorable to oneself, one"s
family, one"s country and one"s god. They showed no mercy. Seven
thousand American and Filipino POW"s were beaten, shot, bayonetted
or left to die of disease or exhaustion.
THESE ARE FACTS.
As the United States made its slow, arduous, and costly march
across the vast expanse of the Pacific, the Japanese proved to be a
ruthless and intractable killing machine. No matter how futile, no
matter how hopeless the odds, no matter how certain the outcome,
the Japanese fought to the death. And to achieve a greater glory,
they strove to kill as many Americans as possible.
The closer the United States came to the Japanese mainland, the
more fanatical their actions became.
Saipan — 3,100 Americans killed, 1,500 in the first few hours of
the invasion
Iwo Jima — 6,700 Americans killed, 25,000 wounded
Okinawa — 12,500 Americans killed, total casualties, 35,000
These are facts reported by simple white grave markers.
Kamikazes. The literal translation is DIVINE WIND. To willingly
dive a plane loaded with bombs into an American ship was a glorious
transformation to godliness — there was no higher honor on heaven
or earth. The suicidal assaults of the Kamikazes took 5,000
American Navy men to their deaths.
The Japanese vowed that, with the first American to step foot on
the mainland, they would execute every Allied prisoner. In
preparation they forced the POW"s to dig their own graves in the
event of mass executions. Even after their surrender, they executed
some American POW"s.
THESE ARE FACTS.
The Potsdam Declaration had called for unconditional surrender
of the Japanese Armed Forces. The Japanese termed it ridiculous and
not worthy of consideration. We know from our intercepts of their
coded messages, that they wanted to stall for time to force a ne
gotiated surrender on terms acceptable to them.
For months prior to August 6, American aircraft began dropping
fire bombs upon the Japanese mainland. The wind created by the
firestorm from the bombs incinerated whole cities. Hundreds of
thousands of Japanese died. Still the Japanese military vowed never
to surrender. They were prepared to sacrifice their own people to
achieve their visions of glory and honor — no matter how many more
people died.
They refused to evacuate civilians even though our pilots
dropped leaflets warning of the possible bombings. In one 3-day
period, 34 square miles of Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe and Osaka were
reduced to rubble.
THESE ARE FACTS.
And even after the bombing of Hiroshima, Tojo, his successor
Suzuki, and the military clique in control believed the United
States had but one bomb, and that Japan could go on. They had 3
days to surrender after August 6, but they did not surrender. The
debate in their cabinet at times became violent.
Only after the Nagasaki drop did the Emperor finally demand
surrender.
And even then, the military argued they could and should fight
on. A group of Army officers staged a coup and tried to seize and
destroy the Emperor"s recorded message to his people announcing the
surrender.
THESE ARE FACTS.
These facts help illuminate the nature of the enemy we faced.
They help put into context the process by which Truman considered
the options available to him. And they help to add meaning to why
the missions were necessary.
President Truman understood these facts as did every service man
and woman. Casualties were not some abstraction, but a sobering
reality.
Did the atomic missions end the war? Yes . . . they . . .
did.
Were they necessary? Well that"s where the rub comes.
With the fog of 50 years drifting over the memory of our
country, to some, the Japanese are now the victims. America was the
insatiable, vindictive aggressor seeking revenge and conquest. Our
use of these weapons was the unjustified and immoral starting point
for the nuclear age with all of its horrors. Of course, to support
such distortion, one must conveniently ignore the real facts or
fabricate new realities to fit the theories. It is no less
egregious than those who today deny the Holocaust occurred.
How could this have happened?
The answer may lie in examining some recent events.
The current debate about why President Truman ordered these
missions, in some cases, has devolved to a numbers game. The
Smithsonian in its proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay revealed the
creeping revisionism which seems the rage in certain historical
circles.
That exhibit wanted to memorialize the fiction that the Japanese
were the victims — we the evil aggressor. Imagine taking your
children and grandchildren to this exhibit.
What message would they have left with?
What truth would they retain?
What would they think their country stood for?
And all of this would have occurred in an American institution
whose very
name and charter are supposed to stand for the impartial
preservation of significant American artifacts.
By cancelling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the
Enola Gay, has truth won out?
Maybe not.
In one nationally televised discussion, I heard a so-called
prominent historian argue that the bombs were not necessary. That
President Truman was intent on intimidating the Russians. That the
Japanese were ready to surrender.
The Japanese were ready to surrender? Based on what?
Some point to statements by General Eisenhower years after the
war that Japan was about to fall. Well, based on that same outlook
Eisenhower seriously under- estimated Germany"s will to fight on
and concluded in December, 1944 that Germany no longer had the
capability to wage offensive war.
That was a tragic miscalculation. The result was the Battle of
the Bulge, which resulted in tens of thousands of needless Allied
casualties and potentially allowed Germany to prolong the war and
force negotiations.
Thus the assessment that Japan was vanquished may have the
benefit of hind- sight rather than foresight.
It is certainly fair to conclude that the Japanese could have
been reasonably expected to be even more fanatical than the Germans
based on the history of the war in the Pacific.
And, finally, a present-day theory making the rounds espouses
that even if an invasion had taken place, our casualties would not
have been a million, as many believed, but realistically only
46,000 dead.
ONLY 46,000!
Can you imagine the callousness of this line of argument? ONLY
46,000 — as if this were some insignificant number of American
lives.
Perhaps these so-called historians want to sell books.
Perhaps they really believe it. Or perhaps it reflects some
self-loathing occasioned by the fact that we won the war.
Whatever the reason, the argument is flawed. It dissects and
recalculates events ideologically, grasping at selective
straws.
Let me admit right here, today, that I don"t know how many more
Americans would have died in an invasion— AND NEITHER DOES ANYONE
ELSE!
What I do know is that based on the Japanese conduct during the
war, it is fair and reasonable to assume that an invasion of the
mainland would have been a prolonged and bloody affair. Based on
what we know — not what someone surmises — the Japanese were not
about to unconditionally surrender.
In taking Iwo Jima, a tiny 8 square mile lump of rock in the
ocean, 6,700 marines died — total casualties over 30,000.
But even assuming that those who now KNOW our casualties would
have been ONLY 46.000
I ask Which 46,000 were to die?
Whose father?
Whose brother?
Whose husband?
And, yes, I am focusing on American lives.
The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not.

全文並沒有提到「原子彈下無冤魂」這個觀點，但到了中文網路環境，就多出了一個「原子彈下無冤魂」的說法。

我能理解這個說法產生的原因與邏輯

因為被原子彈殺死的日本平民都是有戰爭罪行的，不是冤魂，所以原子彈也是正義的。作為中國人，我很能理解這種心情。但是我要說這種說法是不符合邏輯的，甚至對中國人有害的。

實際上被原子彈殺死的大部分平民是存在戰爭罪行的，他們的罪行就是產生於縱容了一個軍國主義的政府，但這種惡並沒有到必須用死來償還，因為他們只是平民。

所以二戰中死於原子彈的平民一邊對戰爭負有責任，一邊又是戰爭的受害者，有著受害者與加害者的雙重身份。

而真正的美國人是如何看待原子彈的呢？

投擲原子彈：多數美國人眼中更快結束戰爭的「必要之惡」_國際新聞_環球網

在這件事上很多美國人比中國人更清醒

原子彈下並不是沒有冤魂，而是「必要的惡」

詹姆斯·肖夫對《環球時報》記者說，由於在廣島投放原子彈更快地結束了戰爭，避免了大規模本土登陸作戰及更久的轟炸，大部分美國人將其視作「必要之惡或不能缺少的壞東西」，認為更多生命因此被拯救。

從美國的這個調查來看，美國人大部分美國人可以用非常爛俗的一個詞來形容，就是

「三觀正」

最後我再來談談「原子彈下無冤魂」這個看法錯在哪裡，有什麼害處？

「原子彈下無冤魂」最重要的問題就在於抹殺了，日本軍國主義者對日本平民犯下的罪行。

冤魂，冤在哪裡？

是被美國人的原子彈殺死，變成冤魂了嗎？

不是，被原子彈殺死的人變成冤魂是因為他們是被日本軍國主義給害死的啊。

所謂冤有頭債有主，為人莫作虧心事，舉頭三尺有神明，善惡到頭終有報。如果被軍國主義害死的日本老百姓不能清醒的認識到自己為什麼會死，那他們真是白死了。如果他們真的覺得為軍國主義而死，縱做鬼也幸福，那又有什麼冤屈可言呢？

美國人在丟原子彈這件事上有什麼責任嗎？

沒有

因為

The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not.

美國佬別無選擇，是日本人讓他們無法選擇自己的命運。

按下原子彈按鈕的不是美國人，而是軍國主義者啊。

因為說這句話的人信奉光榮偉大正確的主體思想，主體思想認為，領袖是主（頭腦），黨是體（身體），人民是細胞，軀體和細胞應當聽從頭腦的指揮。

不要笑，這是真的。

他們是這樣宣傳偉大的主體思想的：

（這碼等於沒打，2333333）

他們把一個國家視為一個人格化的整體，用腦子和身體的關係來比喻政府和人民的關係，

這是非常主體思想的，

這是非常光榮偉大正確的，

這種人是會一言不合就把你打成植物人的。

……在當前美國的資本主義制度下卻根本談不上什麼人類共同的良心。1945年下令對廣島和長崎進行原子彈轟炸的前美國總統杜魯門，不久前在他的回憶錄里還鄭重宣稱他對當年的決定決無任何遺憾。美國目前的不少軍政首腦也對核子戰爭津津樂道。對於他們來說，只要事情有利於美國壟斷資本的錢包，屠殺成千上萬的人是不必「問心有愧」的。而他們所要求於僱傭兵的是，能夠馴服地服從命令、執行任務，充當一個不用大腦的殺人工具。

——《在「英雄」和「瘋子」之間》，
原載於《人民日報》1961年2月12日號A5版，
作者：《人民日報 · 海外版》前主編袁先祿。

另外我發現大批量的知乎用戶沒學過高中數學，他們理解不了全稱命題和存在性命題的區別，所以他們一直在堅持不懈地論證「原子彈下存在很大一部分死難者不是冤魂而是死得活該」，而且他們認為那個命題和「原子彈下無冤魂」這個命題是等價的。

附圖：廣島縣解放運動無名戰士之碑。

說這話的人腦子有問題。

長崎原子彈受害者中，1.5萬人是跟日本政府向來不怎麼對付的天主教徒，朝鮮人2000人左右，被強征的中國勞工約有400人，華僑200人，按某些不友善的傢伙的說法，雖然這些人不願意，但客觀上都為大東亞共榮圈添磚加瓦，也沒做像樣的反抗，所以都活該被炸。

哎，羊駝。

這個問題有兩點是必須要明確的。第一，有沒有冤魂和美國做法正確與否是不可割裂看待的。第二，評價一件事情，要抓住主要矛盾，並且不能只考慮這件事本身，還要看待背後的政治影響和反映的價值取向。
首先，美國使用核武器是正確的決定，他加速了戰爭的結束，加速了日本帝國主義的失敗。對於被日本侵略的國家和人民來講，早一秒鐘打敗日本都是功德無量。美國不該受到指責。
第二，選擇轟炸廣島長崎是美國進行審慎考慮的，這兩個地方當時都有日本的兵工廠。而不是對針對平民的屠殺。這本質上還是一個軍事行動。
第三，美國在使用核武器前，多次警告日本，日本法西斯仍執迷不悟。這時常規的轟炸已無法震懾這群法西斯暴徒。供職于軍工廠的人員是軍人，不能當做普通平民對待。這點可參照蘇聯毀滅德國工業城市的做法。
從上述三點來看，使用核武器雖然造成了平民傷亡，但總體來講，是功大於過的，他不僅結束了反法西斯戰爭，解救了被侵略人民，對日本大多數群眾來說，也是功不可沒的。總之，是不該被否定的。
那麼，怎麼看待原子彈下有/無冤魂的說法呢？我說了，這句話單拿出來沒有任何意義，是先有了美國原子彈炸廣島長崎，才引申出了這個問題。是這個問題的背後，本身包含了對使用原子彈的評價。事實上，熱衷於炒作核爆問題的，就是日本新右翼，因為他們要樹立一個「受害者」的形象。其次是美國，因為他要拉攏小弟，「捐棄前嫌」來維護「新帝國主義」。
這我們來看看，為日本核爆叫撞天屈的有一個好人嗎？一個沒有。那站在反對法西斯戰爭的立場上，為什麼要「同情」日本呢？
所以說，有沒有「冤魂」那是小問題，和反法西斯戰爭的正義性比起來，不足為道。美國不論是出於反法西斯這個最高水準的人道主義，還是戰爭的客觀情況，都是不受指責的。
當然了，日本右翼亦或是美國集團，覺得「有冤」的話，那就先把日本皇室掛上路燈，然後把自己掛上路燈，這才是對被侵略人民和廣島長崎平民最好的道歉。

以下文章應該能較好地回答了

編者註：美國退役空軍少將查爾斯.斯文尼（Charles W. Sweeney）二戰時參與向日本廣島、長崎投擲兩顆原子彈，而且只有他一人兩次投擲行動都參加了。對於美國後來發生的對當年投擲原子彈的爭議（很多否定和譴責），查爾斯.斯文尼將軍於1995年5月11日參加了美國國會的一次特別聽證會，在演講中闡述了他作為當事人，對這件事情的看法。這篇演講的中文譯文（譯者不詳），被不少網路轉載，但譯文並不完整，尤其結尾部份的譴責斯大林邪惡的部分被刪節，另外重要的結語也被省略沒譯。現刊出完整的譯文（補譯部分由「曹長青網站」編輯完成），並附上原英文（英文是從美國國會圖書館的存檔中找到的）：

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《為什麼我會用原子彈炸日本》

不能忘記和篡改歷史！

美國退役空軍少將查爾斯.斯文尼（Charles W. Sweeney）在美國國會聽證會上的演講：

我是美國退役空軍少將查爾斯.斯文尼。我是唯一一位參加了兩次對日本原子轟炸的飛行員。在對廣島的轟炸中，擔任駕駛員蒂貝茨上校的右座領航員，在對長崎的轟炸中，任編隊指揮員。

此刻，作為經歷了那段歷史的人們，我要陳述我的思考、觀察和結論。我相信杜魯門總統作出的對日本使用原子彈的決定不僅符合當時的情況，而且具有壓倒其他可能選擇的道義上的必要性。像我們這一代絕大多數人一樣，我最不希望發生的一件事就是戰爭。我們作為一個民族不是騎士，我們不渴望那種輝煌。當我國正在大蕭條中掙扎時，日本開始了對鄰國的征服－－搞什麼「大東亞共榮圈」。法西斯總是打著漂亮的旗幟去掩飾最卑鄙的陰謀。

這是事實！

這都是事實隨著美國在廣闊的太平洋向日本緩慢、艱苦、一步一流血地進軍，日本顯示出自己是冷酷無情、桀驁不遜的殺人機器。無論戰事是多麼令人絕望，無論機會是多麼渺茫，無論結果是多麼確定，日本人都戰至最後一人。為了取得可能大的光榮，日軍全力以赴去殺死儘可能多的美國人。

美軍開進的距日本本土越近，日本人的行為就變得越瘋狂。

塞班島：美軍陣亡3000人，其中在最後幾小時就死了1500人。

硫黃島：美軍陣亡6000人，傷21000人。

沖繩島：美軍陣亡12000人，傷38000人。

這是沉重的事實，凱米卡茲－－即「神風敢死隊」，駕駛裝載炸彈的飛機撞擊美國軍艦。

隊員認為這是天上人間至高的光榮，是向神之境界的升華。在沖繩海域，神風敢死隊的自殺性攻擊要了5000名美國海軍軍人的命。

這是事實！

他們拒絕救助平民，儘管我們的飛行員事先已就可能來臨的空襲投撒了傳單。

在一次為期10天的轟炸行動中，東京、名古屋、神戶、大阪的許多地方化為灰燼。

這是事實！

這是事實！

像每一個男女軍人一樣，杜魯門總統理解這些事實。傷亡不是某種抽像的統計數字，而是慘痛的事實。

——原子彈是否結束了戰爭？

——是的。

——它們是必須的嗎？

——對此存在爭議。

50年過去了，在某些人看來日本成為受害者，美軍成為兇殘成性的征服者和報復者；原子彈的使用是核時代的不正義、不道德的起點。自然，為了支撐這種歪曲，他們必然要故意無視事實或者編造新的材料以證明這種論調。其中最令人吃驚的行徑之一，就是否認日軍曾進行過大屠殺。

事物怎麼會弄成這個樣子呢？

答案也許會從最近發生的一些事情中找到。

當前關於杜魯門總統為什麼要下達對日本進行原子轟炸的命令的爭論，在某些情況下已演變成數字遊戲。史密斯策劃的「原子轟炸後果」展覽，顯示了卑劣的論調，這種論調使史學界引起軒然大波。

「原子轟炸後果」展覽傳遞出這樣的信息－－日本是受害者，美國是罪惡的侵略者。想像一下如果你的孩子去看展覽，他們會留下什麼樣的印像？他們還會知道事實的真相嗎？

有些人提出，艾森豪威爾威爾將軍曾說過，日本已準備投降，沒有必要使用原子彈，然而，基於同樣的判斷，艾森豪威爾威爾曾嚴重低估了德國繼續戰鬥的意志，在 1944年就下結論說德國已無力進行攻勢作戰。這是一個災難性的錯誤判斷，其結果即是阿登戰役的激戰。是役，數萬盟軍毫無必要地犧牲了，並冒著允許德國拖延戰爭和有條件投降的風險。

一個相當公正的結論是，根據太平洋戰爭的情況，可以合理地預期日本將是比德國更瘋狂的敵人。

最後，有一種理論認為，如果盟軍進攻日本本土，我們的傷亡不是100萬，而是只要死上46000人就夠了。只不過是46000！你能夠想像這種論調的冷酷嗎？

僅46000人，好像這些是無關緊要的美國人的生命。

在此時此刻，我要承認，我不清楚在對日本本土的部隊進攻中美軍將會傷亡多少人－－也沒有任何人知道。

在對硫黃島－－太平洋中一個8平方英里的島礁－－的進攻中，6000名海軍陸戰隊官兵犧牲，傷亡總數達27000人。

但對那些認為我們的損失僅是46000人的人，我要問：是哪46000人？誰的父親？誰的兄弟？誰的丈夫？

是的，我只注意到了美國人的生命。但是，日本的命運掌握造日本人的手中，而美國不是。數以萬計的美軍部隊焦急地在大洋中等待著進攻－－他們的命運取決於日本下一步怎麼走。日本可以選擇在任何時刻投降，但他們選擇了等待。

而就是日本「無所作為」的時候，隨著戰事的進行，美軍每天傷亡900多人。

我曾聽到另一種說法，稱我們應該與日本談判，達到一個日本可以接受的有條件投降。

為什麼太平洋戰爭的歷史這麼容易就被遺忘了呢？

也許原因就存在於目前正在進行著的對歷史的歪曲，對我們集體記憶的歪曲。

在戰敗50年後，日本領導人輕率地聲稱他們是受害者，廣島、長崎與南京大屠殺在實質上是一回事！

整整幾代日本人不知道他們的國家在第二次世界大戰中都幹了些什麼。這可以理解為什麼他們不理解日本為什麼要道歉。

與德國認罪的姿態不同，日本堅持認為它沒幹任何錯事，它的行為是受當時局勢的拖累。這種態度粉碎了任何真正彌合創傷的希望。

只有記憶才能帶來真正的原諒，而遺忘就可能冒重複歷史的危險。

有些人可能會提出，這些文字能說明什麼呢？對日本勝利－－太平洋的勝利－－讓我們慶祝一個事件，而不是一個勝利。

我要說，話語就是一切。

這種對語言的攻擊是顛倒歷史、混淆是非的工具。文字或話語可以像任何一種武器一樣具有毀滅性：上是下；奴役是自由；侵略是和平。

今天日本巧妙地打起種族主義這張牌，以此來宣示其行為的正義性。日本不是進行罪惡的侵略，而只是從白人帝國主義手中，用屠殺「解放」了2000萬無辜的亞洲人。我堅信，這2000萬無辜的人，他們的家人，他們的後代，永遠也不會欣賞日本崇高的行為。

經常有人問我，用原子彈轟炸日本是否是出於報復，是否是蓄意毀滅一個古老而令人尊敬的文明。

像在任何一場戰爭中一樣，我們的目標－－理所當然的目標－－是勝利。這是一個不可動搖的目標。

我不想否認雙方死了許多人，不僅兩國，而且是世界。我不為戰爭的殘酷性而驕傲而歡樂，我不希望我國或敵國的人民受難。每一個生命都是寶貴的。但我的確認為：這樣一個問題應該去問日本戰犯，是他們以日本人民為代價追求自身的輝煌。他們發動了戰爭，並拒絕停止戰爭。難道他們不應為所有的苦難、為日本的災難負最終的責任嗎？

也許如果日本人真切地了解過去，認清他們國家在戰爭中的責任，他們將會看到是日本戰犯要負起戰爭的罪責。日本人民應該給遠東人民一個答覆，是誰把災難強加給遠東各國，最後強加給日本自己。當然如果我們與日本人一道抹煞歷史的真相，那麼這一點是永遠也做不到的！

如果日本不追詢並接受真相，日本怎能安心地與自己相處，與亞洲鄰國、與美國相處？

我和我的部屬在執行原子轟炸任務時堅信，我們將結束戰爭。我們並沒有感到高興。而是一種責任感和使命感，而且我們想回到自己的家人身邊。

戰後幾年，有人問杜魯門總統是否還有其他選擇，他響亮地說：沒有。接著他提醒提問者：記住，珍珠港的死難者也沒有其它選擇！

戰爭總是代價高昂的，正如羅伯特?李將軍所說：「戰爭如此殘酷是件好事，否則就會有人喜歡它。」

感謝上帝使我們擁有原子武器，而不是日本和德國。科學有其自身的邏輯，遲早會有人設計出原子彈。科學是沒法阻止的，它總是能找到自己的發展之路。

關於製造原子彈是否明智的問題，已被原子彈已被製造出來了這一事實所壓倒。當時蘇聯實際上已經在發展他們自己的原子彈了。我們不要忘記，斯大林的邪惡並不亞於東京（的戰犯）或他的前盟友希特勒。不說別的，斯大林至少屠殺了二千萬他自己的人民。

這個世界更好了，因為德國和日本法西斯沒有成功地征服世界。日本和德國也成為美好之地，因為從我們的勝利中獲益。

日本和美國的年輕人不再相互殺戮，而是生長、成家立業，在和平中生活。作為10個孩子的父親和21個孩子的祖父，我可以表明，我很高興戰爭這樣結束。

我（在這裡）不是代表所有參與二戰的退役軍人講話。但是我相信，那種在第二次世界大戰中能夠服務自己國家的自豪感，是所有美國退役軍人共享的。這也是為什麼關於二戰的真實是必須尊重的。我們這些退役軍人不是畏首畏尾的人，我們的感覺將不會因為那些對於該不該使用原子彈的爭論和信息所粉碎。我們能應對這些。但我們將不會、也不能允許那些對美國大眾和世界隱瞞（二戰和向日本投擲原子彈的真實信息）的憑空胡猜式的辯論。

我對美國人民面對所有這些事實，以及對如何結束那場戰爭的信息判斷力和公正性充滿信心。

這是重要的辯論。我們國家的靈魂、本質、歷史等，正處於緊要關頭。

---------------------下面是Charles W. Sweeney在美國國會演講的英文---------------------

Full text of Charles W. Sweeney』s Hearing Before the Committee:

I am Maj. Gen. Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, Retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the right wing of General Paul Tibbets on the Hiroshima mission and 3 days later, on August 9, 1945, commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.

The soul of a nation, its essence, is its history. It is that collective memory which defines what each generation thinks and believes about itself and its country.

In a free society, such as ours, there is always an ongoing debate about who we are and what we stand for. This open debate is in fact essential to our freedom. But to have such a debate we as a society must have the courage to consider all of the facts available to us. We must have the courage to stand up and demand that before any conclusions are reached, those facts which are beyond question are accepted as part of the debate.

As the 50th anniversary of the Hiroshima and Nagasaki missions approaches, now is an appropriate time to consider the reasons for Harry Truman』s order that these missions be flown. We may disagree on the conclusion, but let us at least be honest enough to agree on basic facts of the time, the facts that President Truman had to consider in making a difficult and momentous decision.

As the only pilot to have flown both missions, and having commanded the Nagasaki mission, I bring to this debate my own eyewitness account of the times. I underscore what I believe are irrefutable facts, with full knowledge that some opinion makers may cavalierly dismiss them because they are so obvious - because they interfere with their preconceived version of the truth, and the meaning which they strive to impose on the missions.

This evening, I want to offer my thoughts, observations, and conclusions as someone who lived this history, and who believes that President Truman』s decision was not only justified by the circumstances of his time, but was a moral imperative that precluded any other option.

Like the overwhelming majority of my generation the last thing I wanted was a war. We as a nation are not warriors. We are not hell-bent on glory. There is no warrior class - no Samurai - no master race.

This is true today, and it was true 50 years ago.

While our country was struggling through the great depression, the Japanese were embarking on the conquest of its neighbors - the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. It seems fascism always seeks some innocuous slogan to cover the most hideous plans.
This Co-Prosperity was achieved by waging total and merciless war against China and Manchuria. The Japanese, as a nation, saw itself as destined to rule Asia and thereby possess its natural resources and open lands. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation, the Japanese Army slaughtered innocent men, women and children. In the infamous Rape of Nanking up to 300,000 unarmed civilians were butchered. These were criminal acts.

THESE ARE FACTS.

In order to fulfill its divine destiny in Asia, Japan determined that the only real impediment to this goal was the United States. It launched a carefully conceived sneak attack on our Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. Timed for a Sunday morning it was intended to deal a death blow to the fleet by inflicting the maximum loss of ships and human life.
1,700 sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many if not all, died without ever knowing why. Thus was the war thrust upon us.

The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumanness of the Japanese Army, even in the context of war. The Bataan Death March was horror in its fullest dimension. The Japanese considered surrender to be dishonorable to oneself, one』s family, one』s country and one』s god. They showed no mercy. Seven thousand American and Filipino POW』s were beaten, shot, bayoneted or left to die of disease or exhaustion.

THESE ARE FACTS.

As the United States made its slow, arduous, and costly march across the vast expanse of the Pacific, the Japanese proved to be ruthless and intractable killing machine. No matter how futile, no matter how hopeless the odds, no matter how certain the outcome, the Japanese fought to the death. And to achieve a greater glory, the strove to kill as many Americans as possible.

The closer the United States came to the Japanese mainland, the more fanatical their actions became.

Saipan - 3,100 Americans killed, 1,500 in the first few hours of the invasion Iwa Jima - 6,700 Americans killed, 25,000 wounded

Okinawa - 12,500 Americans killed, total casualties, 35,000

These are facts reported by simple white grave markets.

Kamikazes. The literal translation is DIVINE WIND. To willingly dive a plane loaded with bombs into an American ship was a glorious transformation to godliness - there was no higher honor on heaven or earth. The suicidal assaults of the Kamikazes took 5,000 American Navy men to their deaths.

The Japanese vowed that, with the first American to step foot on the mainland, they would execute every Allied prisoner. In preparation they forced the POW』s to dig their own graves in the event of mass executions. Even after their surrender, they executed some American POW』s.

THESE ARE FACTS.

The Potsdam Declaration had called for unconditional surrender of the Japanese Armed Forces. The Japanese termed it ridiculous and not worthy of consideration. We know from our intercepts of their coded messages, that they wanted to stall for time to force a negotiated surrender on terms acceptable to them.

For months prior to August 6, American aircraft began dropping fire bombs upon the Japanese mainland. The wind created by the firestorm from the bombs incinerated whole cities. Hundreds of thousands of Japanese died. Still the Japanese military vowed never to surrender. They were prepared to sacrifice their own people to achieve their visions of glory and honor - no matter how many more people died.

They refused to evacuate civilians ever though our pilots dropped leaflets warning of the possible bombings. In one 3-day period, 34 square miles of Tokyo, Nagoya, Kobe and Osaka were reduced to rubble.

THESE ARE FACTS.

And even after the bombing of Hiroshima, Tojo, his successor Suzuki, and the military clique in control believed the United States had but one bomb, and that Japan could go on. They had 3 days to surrender after August 6, but they did not surrender. The debate in their cabinet at times became violent.

Only after the Nagasaki drop did the Emperor finally demand surrender.

And even then, the military argued they could and should fight on. A group of Army officers staged a coup and tried to seize and destroy the Emperor』s recorded message to his people announcing the surrender.

THESE ARE FACTS.

These facts help illuminate the nature of the enemy we faced. They help put into context the process by which Truman considered the options available to him. And they help to add meaning to why the missions were necessary.

President Truman understood these facts as did every service man and woman. Casualties were not some abstraction, but a sobering reality.

Did the atomic missions end the war? Yes...they...did.

Were they necessary? Well that』s where the rub comes.

With the fog of 50 years drifting over the memory of our country, to some, the Japanese are now the victims. America was the insatiable, vindictive aggressor seeking revenge and conquest. Our use of these weapons was the unjustified and immoral starting point for the nuclear age with all of its horrors. Of course, to support such distortion, one must conveniently ignore the real facts of fabricate new realities to fit the theories. It is no less egregious than those who today deny the Holocaust occurred.

How could this have happened?

The answer may lie in examining some recent events.

The current debate about why President Truman ordered these missions, in some cases, has devolved to a numbers game. The Smithsonian in its proposed exhibit of the Enola Gay revealed the creeping revisionism which seems the rage in certain historical circles.
That exhibit wanted to memorialize the fiction that the Japanese were the victims - we the evil aggressor. Imagine taking your children and grandchildren to this exhibit.

What message would they have left with?

What truth would they retain?

What would they think their country stood for?

And all of this would have occurred in an American institution whose very name and charter are supposed to stand for the impartial preservation of significant American artifacts.

By canceling the proposed exhibit and simply displaying the Enola Gay, has truth won out?

Maybe not.

In one nationally televised discussion, I heard a so-called prominent historian argue that the bombs were nor necessary. That President Truman was intent on intimidating the Russians. That the Japanese were ready to surrender.

The Japanese were ready to surrender? Based on what?

Some point to statements by General Eisenhower years after the war that Japan was about to fall. Well, based on that same outlook Eisenhower seriously underestimated Germany』s will to fight on and concluded in December, 1944 that Germany no longer had the capability to wage offensive war.

That was a tragic miscalculation. The result was the Battle of the Bulge, which resulted in tens of thousands of needless Allied casualties and potentially allowed Germany to prolong the war and force negotiations.

Thus the assessment that Japan was vanquished may have the benefit of hindsight rather than foresight.

It is certainly fair to conclude that the Japanese could have been reasonably expected to be even more fanatical than the Germans base on the history of the war in the Pacific.
And, finally, a present-day theory making the rounds espouses that even if an invasion had taken place, our casualties would not have been a million, as many believed, but realistically only 46,000 dead.

ONLY 46,000!

Can you imagine the callousness of this line of argument? ONLY 46,000- as if this were some insignificant number of American lives.

Perhaps these so-called historians want to sell books.

Perhaps they really believe it. Or perhaps it reflects some self-loathing occasioned by the fact that we won the war.

Whatever the reason, the argument is flawed. It dissects and recalculates events ideologically, grasping at selective straws.

Let me admit right here, today, that I don』t know how many more Americans would have died in an invasion - AND NEITHER DOES ANYONE ELSE!

What I do know is that based on the Japanese conduct during the war, it is fair and reasonable to assume that an invasion of the mainland would have been a prolonged and bloody affair. Based on what we know - not what someone surmises - the Japanese were not about to unconditionally surrender.

In taking Iwo Jima, a tiny 8 square mile lump of rock in the ocean, 6,700 marines died - total casualties over 30,000.

But even assuming that those who now KNOW our casualties would have been ONLY 46,000 I ask -

Which 46,000 were to die?

Whose father?

Whose brother?

Whose husband?

And, yes, I am focusing on American lives.

The Japanese had their fate in their own hands, we did not. Hundreds of thousands of American troops anxiously waited at staging areas in the Pacific dreading the coming invasion, their fate resting on what Japanese would do next. The Japanese could have ended it at any time. They chose to wait.

And while the Japanese stalled, an average of 900 more Americans were killed or wounded each day the war continued.

I』ve heard another line of argument that we should have accepted a negotiated peace with the Japanese on terms they would have found acceptable. I have never heard anyone suggest that we should have negotiated a peace with Nazi Germany. Such an idea is so outrageous, that no rational human being would utter the words. To negotiate with such evil fascism was to allow it even in defeat a measure of legitimacy. This is not just some empty philosophical principal of the time - it was essential that these forces of evil be clearly and irrevocably defeated - their demise unequivocal. Their leadership had forfeited any expectation of diplomatic niceties. How it is, then, the history of the war in the Pacific can be so soon forgotten?

The reason may lie in the advancing erosion of our history, of our collective memory.
Fifty years after their defeat, Japanese officials have the temerity to claim they were the victims. That Hiroshima and Nagasaki were the equivalent of the Holocaust.

And, believe it or not, there are actually some American academics who support this analogy, thus aiding and giving comfort to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history, and ours in the process.

There is an entire generation of Japanese who do not know the full extent of their country』s conduct during World War II.

This explains why they do not comprehend why they must apologize- for the Korean comfort women? for the Medical experimentation on POW』s which match the horror of those conducted by the Nazi』s ? for the plane to use biological weapons against the United States by infecting civilian populations on the West Coast ?for the methodical slaughter of civilians? and for much more.

In a perverse inversion, by forgetting our own history, we contribute to the Japanese amnesia, to the detriment of both our nations.

Unlike the Germans who acknowledged their guilt, the Japanese persist in the fiction that they did nothing wrong, that they were trapped by circumstances. This only forecloses any genuine prospect that the deep wounds suffered by both nations can be closed and healed.

One can only forgive by remembering. And to forget, is to risk repeating history.

The Japanese in a well orchestrated political and public relations campaign have now proposed that the use of the term "V-J Day" be replaced by the more benign "Victory in the Pacific Day". How convenient.

This they claim will make the commemoration of the end of the war in the Pacific less "Japan specific".

An op-ed piece written by Dorothy Rabinowitz appearing in the April 5 Wall Street Journal accurately sums up this outrage:

The reason it appears, is that some Japanese find the reference disturbing - and one can see why. The term, especially the "J" part, does serve to remind the world of the identity of the nation whose defeat millions celebrated in August 1945. in further deference to Japanese sensitivities, a U.S. official (who wisely chose to remain unidentified) also announced, with reference to the planned ceremonies, that "our whole effort in this thing is to commemorate an event, not celebrate a victory."

Some might argue so what』s in a word - Victory over Japan, Victory in the Pacific - Let』s celebrate an event, not a victory.

A say everything is in a word. Celebrate an EVENT!

Kind of like celebrating th opening of a shopping mall rather than the end of a war that engulfed the entire Earth - which left countless millions dead and countless millions more physically or mentally wounded and countless more millions displaced.

This assault on the use of language is Orwellian and is the tool by which history and memory are blurred. Words can be just as destructive as any weapon.

Up is down.

Slavery is freedom.

Aggression is peace.

In some ways this assault on our language and history by the elimination of accurate and descriptive words is far more insidious than the actual aggression carried out by the Japanese 50 years ago. At least then the threat was clear, the enemy well defined.

Today the Japanese justify their conduct by artfully playing the race card. They were not engaged in a criminal enterprise of aggression. No, Japan was simply liberating the oppressed masses of Asia from WHITE Imperialism.

Liberation!! Yes, they liberated over 20 million innocent Asians by killing them. I』m sure those 20 million, their families and the generations never to be, appreciate the noble effort of the Japanese.

I am often asked was the bomb dropped for vengeance, as was suggested by one draft of the Smithsonian exhibit. That we sought to destroy an ancient and honorable culture.
Here are some more inconvenient facts.

One, on the original target list for the atomic missions Kyoto was included. Although this would have been a legitimate target, one that had not been bombed previously, Secretary of State Henry Stimson removed it from the list because it was the ancient capital of Japan and was also the religious center of Japanese culture.

Two, we were under strict orders during the war that under no circumstances were we to ever bomb the Imperial Palace in Tokyo, even though we could have easily leveled it and possibly killed the Emperor. So much for vengeance.

I often wonder if Japan would have been shown such restraint if they had the opportunity to bomb the White House. I think not.

At this point let me dispel one of many longstanding myths that our targets were intended to be civilian populations. Each target for the missions had significant military importance - Hiroshima was the headquarters for the southern command responsible for the defense of Honshu in the event of an invasion and it garrisoned seasoned troops who would mount the initial defense.

Nagasaki was an industrial center with the two large Mitsubishi armaments factories. In both Hiroshima and Nagasaki the Japanese had integrated these industries and troops right in the heart of each city.

As in any war our goal was, as it should be, to win. The stakes were too high to equivocate.

I am often asked if I ever think of the Japanese who died at Hiroshima and Nagasaki?
I do not revel in the idea that so many on both sides died, not only at those two places but around the world in that horrible conflict. I take no pride or pleasure in the brutality of war whether suffered by my people or those of another nation. Every life is precious.
But it does seem to me such a question is more appropriately directed to the Japanese war lords who so willingly offered up their people to achieve their visions of greatness. They who started the war and then stubbornly refused to stop it must be called to account. Don』t they have the ultimate responsibility for all the deaths of their countrymen?

Perhaps if the Japanese came to grips with their past and their true part in the war they would hold those Japanese military leaders accountable. The Japanese people deserve an answer from those that brought such misery to the nations of the Far East and ultimately to their own people. Of course this can never happen of we collaborate with the Japanese in wiping away the truth.

How can Japan ever reconcile with itself and the United States if they do not demand and accept the truth?

My crew and I flew these missions with the belief that they would bring the war to an end. There was no sense of joy. There was a sense of duty and commitment that we wanted to get back to our families and loved ones.

Today millions of people in America an in southeast Asia are alive because the war ended when it did.

I do not stand here celebrating the use of nuclear weapons. Quite the contrary.

I hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown.

We as a nation can abhor the existence of nuclear weapons.

I certainly do.

But that does not then mean that, back in August of 1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy, President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.

I agreed with Harry Truman then, and I still do today.

Years after the war Truman was asked if he had any second thoughts. He said emphatically, "No." He then asked the questioner to remember the men who died at Pearl Harbor who did not have the benefit of second thoughts.

In war the stakes are high. As Robert E. Lee said, "it is good that war is so horrible, or we might grow to like it."

I thank God that it was we who had this weapon and not the Japanese or the Germans. The science was there. Eventually someone would have developed this weapon. Science can never be denied. It finds a way to self-fulfillment.

The question of whether it was wise to develop such a weapon would have eventually been overcome by the fact that it could be done. The Soviets would have certainly proceeded to develop their own bomb. Let us not forget that Joseph Stalin was no less evil than Tokyo or his former ally Adolf Hitler. At last count, Stalin committed genocide on at least 20 million of his own citizens.

The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer the world.

Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory.

The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old.

As the father of ten children and the grandfather of 21, I can state that I am certainly grateful that the war ended when it did.

I do not speak for all veterans of that war. But I believe that my sense of pride in having served my country in that great conflict is shared by all veterans. This is why the truth about that war must be preserved. We veterans are not shrinking violets. Our sensibilities will not be shattered in intelligent and controversial debate. We can handle ourselves.
But we will not, we cannot allow armchair second guessers to frame the debate by hiding facts from the American public and the world.

I have great faith in the good sense and fairness of the American people to consider all of the facts and make an informed judgment about the war』s end.

This is an important debate. The soul of our nation, its essence, its history, is at stake.

有關於部分答主「無知者無罪」「他們也是被脅迫的」的看法，請允許我摘錄一段對容格夫人（曾作為希特勒秘書）的訪談「我在紐倫堡審判期間聽到的那些可怕的事情——600萬猶太人，持不同政見者，其他種族的人被殺——深深地震撼了我。但我並沒有將這些同我的過去聯繫在一起，我一直安慰自己：作為個人我並沒有過錯，而且我也不知道這些罪行如此嚴重。直到有一天，我經過弗朗茨—約瑟芬大街，看到蘇菲·斯庫勒的紀念碑。她和我年齡相仿，在我投靠希特勒的那一年遇害。直到這時我才意識到年輕不是借口，年輕同樣可以發現真相。」

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網上找了兩張圖，第一張廣島人民慶祝漢口陷落，第二張廣島婦女積极參加女子挺身隊。對了，廣島（第五）師團參與了從中國到印尼的數次重大戰役和大屠殺。

哦當然有冤魂
這也是給日本人民提個醒
如果你們不能自己把右翼反動政客打倒，叫他們永世不得翻身，而是覺得事不關己高高掛起的話。
那麼無論你們多麼冤枉，正義的真理還是會第三次第四次第100次從天而降。而天降正義之時，右翼要為他們的邪惡付出代價，而你普通百姓，要為自己的軟弱無能付出代價。

「插曲：原子彈的罪與惡」

人類在廣島投下第一顆原子彈。

幾個小時飛行投下的一顆原子彈，造成廣島近二十萬市民死亡。

該被譴責的是誰呢？

是設計製造原子彈的科學家？

是投下原子彈的美軍飛行員？悍

然侵略他國，拒不投降的日本政府有沒有責任？

那二十萬為了日本軍國主義這個戰爭機器不斷勞動壓榨自己的普通日本人無辜嗎？那些恬不知恥在日本國內宣傳南京大屠殺百人斬並為之得意洋洋、還在不停的為侵華日軍供給的普通日本人無辜嗎？

二戰時期，日本國內子彈生產線，幾乎清一色的女性員工。這些子彈很多都打在了中國人身上。

誰有罪？誰沒罪？

好，假設你是決策者，你沒有勇氣背負「殺人者」這三個字。那麼不投放原子彈，日軍還會在太平洋島嶼繼續頑抗下去。還有更多的美軍士兵傷亡，飽受侵華日軍蹂躪的中國還會有更多中國百姓被日本人殺死。 廣島的日本居民無辜，美軍士兵和中國老百姓就該死？

你面前有兩條鐵路，一個扳動鐵軌的開關。一百個孩子在一條鐵路上玩著，還有一個孩子孤零零的在另外一條鐵路上玩。現在火車過來了，筆直的向那一百個孩子駛去。時間只允許你做一次選擇。你會不會扳動開關，犧牲那一個無辜的孩子來拯救一百個孩子的生命？你會問我憑什麼犧牲那個無辜的孩子，但就在你猶豫的時候，那一百個孩子已經死去了。你的猶豫怯懦害死了他們，因為你不願意做抉擇，所以一百人死了，就這麼簡單。

那些心地善良的人心裡肯定有這樣的一種想法，那就是這世界上一定存在著一種不必付出巨大的人員傷亡的代價就能打敗敵人的巧妙的方法，而且他們認為這才符合他們心中對軍事藝術發展的理解以及發展方向。然而我要告訴你們的是，這種方法雖然聽起來很誘人，但它卻是一種非常可怕的錯誤觀念。因為在戰爭這種危險的事物中，這種「仁慈」的思想是有百害而無一利的。 -克勞塞維茨《戰爭論》

-------節選自我的文章六日成魔指南---從斯坦福監獄實驗談起

、

我承認我不是什麼高尚的人，但是如果我能抉擇，我寧願在二戰時讓二十萬日本人死，來換一個中國人活。有些人最好不要站在什麼道德制高點得意洋洋，小心閃了腰。

日本學界自己其實也是一半認同這個說法的哦。

他們糾結的是為什麼要扔第二顆，即，明明第一顆被炸的時候我們就要投降了啊，第二顆是為了實驗更大威力的炸彈，震懾蘇聯云云。所以我們依舊是原爆受害者。

（美國無法放棄槍的理由，美國為什麼要第二次投下原子彈的真實理由。）

他們關於第二顆炸彈的說法姑且不提。

至少第一顆，他們自己也是認同的，「無冤魂」這種說法太過分了，前面的回答里也有人提過，日本一樣有左翼，一樣也有反戰人士。這些反戰人士和左翼人士如果受到原爆波及，憑什麼說他們不是冤魂？

但其他人么？在一億玉碎的前提下，第一顆投放是日本人自己都沒人好意思洗地的，只能針對第二顆做文章，因此呢，洗地黨自己看清楚了，別跟你們主子步調不一樣。不過奴才比主子考慮的多似乎是能當奴才的前提？那也就不好太苛責你們了。只以四世同堂里一段內容奉上，煩請對號入座。

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在北平，原來削尖腦袋鑽著想去日本的人，也怕到日本去出差，開會了。他們能推就推，能賴就賴，想方設法，就是不去。性命最要緊，不能上那彈如雨下的地方去找死。唯獨藍東陽還是一心一意想去日本。他病了好長時間。在他生病期間，一個日本大夫，一個日本護士看守著他，日本大夫是軍方派來的，有生殺大權。要是藍東陽在說胡話的時候說上一兩句不滿意日本人的話，大夫就會喂他點兒毒藥，叫他兩眼扯得上去再也落不下來。可東陽就是在燒得說胡話的時候，都在喊"天皇萬歲！"大夫護士受了感動，很替他向上美言了一番，誇他是個最最忠於天皇的中國人。他們小心翼翼地看護他，盡了一切力量治好他。他全身每一處都用X光拍了照，片子送回日本作科研材料，看看他的心、肝、腦子和肺有些什麼特殊構造，怎麼能這麼效忠於日本。

東陽還是怕瑞全的子彈會送他的命。病一好，他立時想到日本去，躲開瑞全的槍子兒。

因為病，他那新民會處長的職務已經給了別人。他對這倒無所謂，因為日本大夫和護士都告訴過他，要是上日本去，做的官還要大，他們的話還能不信？

牛局長被捕，教育局的局長出了缺。日本人想起了藍東陽。他是他們忠順的奴才，馴服的狗。他有功績紀錄在案，絕對可靠。

是呀，東陽樂意當教育局長。不過他得先上一趟日本，名義上是考察日本的教育。要是他去了日本，而瑞全又給抓起來殺了，他豈不就可以放心大膽地回來，太太平平地當他的局長了嗎？再說，沒準兒，他在日本興許還能弄個日本老婆呢，那他豈不就成了日本的皇家女婿啦？

藍東陽上了日本。

去給他送行的人都撲了空，因為他化了裝，由兩個便衣保護著，夜裡悄悄離開了北平。他怕上了火車站，讓一大群人鬧哄哄地圍著，瑞全一下子就會認出他來，給他一槍。

那些買了禮物準備給他送行的人，在他走了以後，都嘆著氣，面面相覷地說："還是人家藍東陽厲害！日本天天挨炸，他倒還敢往那兒跑。哼，瞧瞧咱們吧，咱們是又想吃，又怕燙。象咱們這樣兒的，一輩子也發不了。"他們萬萬沒有想到，東陽到日本是有去無回，連塊屍骨都找不著了！

藍東陽和中華民族五千年的文化毫不相干。他的狡猾和殘忍是地道的野蠻。他屬於人吃人，狗咬狗的蠻荒時代。日本軍閥發動侵略戰爭，正好用上他那狗咬狗的哲學，他也因之越爬越高。他和日本軍閥一樣，說人話，披人皮，沒有人性，只有狡猾和殘忍的獸性。

他從來不考慮世界應該是什麼樣子，他不過是只蒼蠅——吸了一滴血，或者吃塊糞便，就心滿意足。世界跟他沒關係，只要有一口臭肉可吃，世界就是美好的。

科學突飛猛進，發明了原子彈。發現原子能而首先應用於戰爭，這是人類的最大恥辱。由於人類的這一恥辱，藍東陽碰上了比他自己還要狡詐和殘忍的死亡武器。他沒能看到新時代的開端，而只能在舊時代——那人吃人，狗咬狗的舊時代里，給炸得粉身碎骨。

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日本和中國的民眾從來是兄弟。資產階級欺騙民眾，用他們的血來畫開一條界線，並且仍然在畫著。

　　然而無產階級及其先驅者們，卻正用血來沖刷著這界線。

　　小林同志之死，便是其實證之一。

　　我們知道，我們不會忘卻。

　　我們將堅定地沿著小林同志的血路攜手前進。

　　——魯迅，《致小林多喜二家屬(唁電)》